In
Praise of Failure
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell,
Jr.
The
stories are now legendary: internet hotshots going from riches to
rags in a period of months, infallible stock-pickers with their
reputations in tatters, and stock prices of established companies
off 75 percent from their highs. The business press is now talking
openly about the possibility that the bull market is over. We may
be in for a long period of disappointing returns and falling net
worth of individual portfolios heavily invested in stocks.
Maybe.
In any case, everyone seems to agree that the dot-com shakeup on
Wall Street is not all bad news. It has made individual investors
more skeptical of internet hype, and venture capitalists more careful
about where they put their money. If a web venture is not attracting
customers, and its expenses continually outstrip its revenues and
ability to raise money, it must reorganize or shut down. Any other
option would require wasting resources on business projects that
the market has shown to be of marginal worth.
Let’s
broaden the lesson. When people think of capitalism, they think
of wealth and profits. But one of the main features of the market
economy is its ability to generate losses and produce business failures.
And just as some envy-filled politicians can’t sleep well knowing
that profits are distributed unequally, others can’t bear the thought
of business failure. In fact, both profit and loss have social and
economic merit and should be allowed to take their nature course.
Agitation
for laws against sudden plant closings were a staple of political
rhetoric in the 1980s. We endured 70 years of bellyaching that "family
farms" are being out-competed by corporate monoliths and foreign
imports. Politicians still roam the land haranguing us about the
catastrophic transformation of the industrial Midwest into the "rust
belt."
But
none of these trends produce disaster, any more than the failure
of an internet startup causes social convulsions. The misery is
sector-specific and temporary. The market adjusts because the free
economy permits people to adjust to change on the upside and downside.
Immense
damage can result from the attempt to stave off inevitable losses.
Protectionism is the classic example. Businesses losing money attempt
to shield themselves from foreign competition by keeping artificially
high the prices consumers pay for goods and services. These higher
prices are a form of taxation, and the protected industries are
receiving the revenue. "Counter-cyclical" fiscal and monetary
policies also backfire, the most famous example being the Hoover
administration and the New Deal that followed, which, as Murray
Rothbard showed in his classic study, actually prolonged America’s
Great Depression.
Antitrust
is another example. It is a form of regulation that comes to the
defense of a marginal firm that is being out-competed by a more
profitable firm. This is why nearly all antitrust cases begin with
one business accusing another of malfeasance.
Perhaps
the best example of industries that have failed is in the public
sector. The second half of the life of the Soviet economy can be
seen as an elaborate effort to keep failing industries alive. And
in the US, the quality and efficiency of public schools have dropped
every year for many decades, and yet they are not permitted to go
out of business. The same is true for all government "services,"
which survive only because they aren’t subject to market judgement.
This
is one of many reasons why converting Social Security taxes into
a stock-market subsidy would be a big error. Anything over which
the government claims an interest tends to be protected from losses,
and that is particularly true of programs that affect powerful interest
groups. SS funds invested in the stock market would be shielded
against the kind of declines that have hit dot coms in recent months.
This would be a step toward socialism.
And
yet with the internationalization of stock and money markets, politicians
have found that shielding companies and sectors from losses can
produce painful results. Instead of producing profits, the attempt
produces economic stagnation that does damage and only puts off
the inevitable. International capital flows away from sectors and
countries that are hiding behind walls of protection and interventionism.
Now,
the left is oddly celebratory about these new trends among dot coms.
It ’s ideological perversity: the left demands socialist profits
and capitalist losses. But this is no better than the Business Roundtable’s
demand for capitalist profits and socialist losses. Both are inconsistent
with the capitalist economic framework of freedom and responsibility.
And
why do businesses fail? Many reasons. Their owners and managers
fail to properly discern market conditions and consumers preferences,
or they fail to anticipate changes in resource availability and
tastes. Poor internal management can do a company in, and so can
aggressive competition from companies who were drawn to a market
segment in hopes of sharing the profits.
One
kind of unjust losses are those that are produced by political intervention.
Companies saddled with absurd class-action lawsuits alleging "discrimination"
end up closing operations that might otherwise have survived. Then
there’s the outrageous attempt by the courts to bankrupt the tobacco
and firearms sectors. This produces accounting losses, but it is
the moral equivalent of burglary or arson.
"Greed
is right," said Gordon Gekko in "Wall Street" (1987).
"Greed works. Greed clarifies, cuts through and captures the
essence of the evolutionary spirit." Fine. But the same can
be said of business losses and failures. They are right. They cut
through and clarify. And as much as profits, they capture the essence
of a healthy market economy.
October
20, 2000
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr., is president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama. He
also edits a daily news site, LewRockwell.com.
Copyright
© 2000 LewRockwell.com
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