The
Economics of Ron Paul
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
by Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
DIGG THIS
This is
the foreword to the forthcoming Mises Institute book,
The Economics of Freedom, by Ron Paul.
Congressman
Ron Paul has been working for decades to bring economics to the
forefront of political life. In doing so, he has raised topics that
nearly everyone else in public life wants buried.
But isn't economics
a dull topic, interesting only to Wall Street traders and government
bureaucrats? Isn't it just about math and graphs?
Not in Ron's
view. He has an intensity of passion for the discipline of economics
that follows up on what Ludwig von Mises believed. Economics is
the pith of material life. It is the core body of knowledge that
seeks an explanation for all material phenomena as it is affected
by human choice. Economics is as unavoidable in politics as gravity
is in the natural world. It is a ubiquitous reality whether we speak
about it openly or not.
Therefore everyone
should be interested in economics. The choice we make about our
economic system will determine whether we rise or fall as a people,
whether our families will thrive or die, and whether the future
itself has a future.
The cause-and-effect
relationship between bad policy and bad economic outcomes, however,
is not always obvious. We need teachers and public intellectuals
to point out the connections between the money supply and inflation,
between regulations and slow growth, between protectionism and lowered
living standards, between public ownership and the decline of innovation.
The relationship
is most clearly spelled out in the Austrian tradition represented
by Carl Menger, Eugen von Böhm-Bawerk, Ludwig von Mises, F.A. Hayek,
Henry Hazlitt, Hans Sennholz, and Murray Rothbard, for here we have
a body of economic logic that refines and improves classical doctrines
to permit us to understand cause and effect in economic life. Dr.
Paul has read these authors in detail, and learned from them. He
has gone further, in a pioneering way, to apply them to political
life. In so doing, he has earned for himself a high place in the
annals of history.
There are easier
roads to political success than using every opportunity to speak
on economic issues. Why did he choose this path? Not merely to spread
knowledge for its own sake. He believes that public awareness and
knowledge is the key to establishing and keeping freedom, which
is the basis of civilization itself. Without a deep and abiding
love of freedom in all spheres of life, the government can ravage
the human population. But for a people who love liberty, no power
is strong enough to finally take away the right to pursue happiness.
Others who
came before Dr. Paul in this respect are people like Cobden and
Bright in England, Frédéric Bastiat in France, and Thomas Jefferson
in America. All of them spoke the great unspeakable truth that there
are forces operating in the world more powerful than the whims of
the political class. Every effort at centralized planning, and every
attempt to legislate political dreams, bumps up against economic
law. Economics is the great brick wall, a thousand feet thick, that
limits the maniacal dreams, benevolent or malevolent, of the political
imagination. We ignore these economic forces at our peril.
In Dr. Paul's
view, if we seriously paid attention to the teaching of economics,
and the population understood those truths, the central bank would
be closed, the bureaucracies would be shut down, taxes would be
repealed, spending programs would be abolished, and regulations
would be stripped from the books – for all these efforts to manage
society not only fail to achieve their stated objectives; they also
reduce our living standard and artificially restrict the scope of
freedom in our lives.
So there is
a reason why politicians ignore the problem of economics, and why
they prefer to characterize it as a narrow field dominated by number
crunchers who care only tangentially about issues that impact the
rest of society. Instead, officials speak vagaries about leading
the country into the future and meeting human needs because this
sort of language empowers the political class.
I have no doubt
that the contents of this book will make even some of his supporters
uncomfortable. The right imagines that it supports free enterprise,
but even in the area of trade and money? Even to the point at which
the state is denied permission to undertake tasks such as imposing
sanctions on unfriendly foreign regimes? The left might like his
antiwar positions, but what if giving up war mongering also requires
rethinking the merit of the redistributionist welfare state?
Dr. Paul writes
that freedom is all of a piece. You can't pick and choose. Moreover,
it is impossible to speak of the future or of human needs without
trusting economic freedom and disempowering the state to intervene
in every area of life. Without sound money, there is no protection
for savings and property, nor capital accumulation, nor long-term
investment, nor entrepreneurship, nor social advance. Without the
right to own and control property, we have no real say over our
lives. Without the freedom to make contracts, to take risks, and
to live in whatever peaceful way we choose, there is no hope for
the future.
A state strong
enough to redistribute wealth at a whim will not hesitate to wage
war, impose sanctions, take away privacy, and violate core human
rights. A state strong enough to wage war will not think twice about
redistributing wealth and running a cradle-to-grave welfare state.
These are truths that the right and left need to deal with. Nor
are half-way measures a permanent fix. Real Social Security reform
returns the financial responsibility for old age to the institutions
of a voluntary society. Real reform in foreign policy means eliminating
all restrictions on trade.
We have to
consider the courage it takes to speak this way in times when the
common belief is that the government can and should do all things.
Ron Paul dares to ask us to rethink the way the world works, to
have confidence in the ability of society – meaning the millions
of individuals of which it is constituted – to manage itself. He
is uncompromising not because he is inflexible or unthoughtful,
but because he has vision and faith to see the unseen benefits of
freedom and to ask us to do the same.
In this volume
are collected the wise statements from the nation's leading teacher
of free-market economic principles. One is struck by his consistency
and willingness to state the truth, even when it is unpopular to
do so. He is right to believe that the most important step in this
struggle is to state the truth, openly and without fear.
In many ways,
these speeches and essays amount to a chronicle of incredible failure:
for the state has failed in a million ways to protect and defend
our material well-being, and its very attempt has come at great
cost.
But it is also
a chronicle of hope that if we are willing to listen and learn,
we can choose a different future for ourselves, one that removes
responsibility for economic well-being from the government and gives
it back to those to whom it belongs: the people in their capacity
as living, choosing, creative human beings. Now that is leadership,
properly construed.
See
the Ron Paul File
November
28, 2007
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr. [send him
mail] former congressional chief of staff to Ron Paul
is founder and president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute and editor of LewRockwell.com.
Copyright
© 2007 LewRockwell.com
Lew
Rockwell Archives
|