Opinion
Despotism
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
Permit
me some observations on a very strange but revealing piece by Tunku
Vardarajan in the Wall Street Journal. The hook for his
commentary is the claim of Pat Robertson that Islam "is not
a peaceful religion that wants to coexist... They want to coexist
until they can control, dominate, and then if need be destroy."
Vardarajan
says that this is a "defensible message" but it is "vitiated"
by its messenger who "has a history of intemperance and bigotry."
As proof, Vardarajan cites the fact that Robertson went on to decry
Muslim immigration, comments which amount to "hackneyed claptrap."
Oh,
how sad, says this oracle of good taste at the Wall Street Journal,
that
"Mr.
Robertson, in his clumsy, ugly way, has done a disservice to
us all: He has now made it doubly difficult to have a frank,
unembarrassed discussion about the threat posed by fundamentalist
Islam, both by Islamists abroad and by those Islamists (note:
I didn't say Muslims) who reside in our midst. He helped lay
the ground for a politically correct backlash, in which candor
about Islam is prohibited, and a meaningful censure of the triumphalist
practitioners of that faith is likely to be mistaken for racism,
or xenophobia, or intolerance. Couldn't he have just kept silent
for once?"
Now,
if I’m reading this right, the writer is saying that Robertson is
mostly right but because Robertson has said it, instead of the WSJ
or some other approved organ, it makes it impossible for him to
say the same thing without being tarred as a Robertsonian. Saying
what is true is a "disservice." Better that a truth not
be uttered than that it be uttered by the wrong person, Vardarajan
says.
Notice
that there is something missing here. Just who is making life so
difficult that one cannot state a truth merely because someone on
the outs with the elites stated the same truth? Who would be leading
this "politically correct backlash" against anti-Muslim
voices? Who is prohibiting candor in this society of free and open
exchange? Where is Vardarajan’s outrage that this unnamed force
in society is using such unfair tactics? Why passively accept this
censorious tactic?
What
this piece reveals is the presence of a subtle totalitarianism,
such that every person who offers an opinion on public affairs must
have some stamp of approval from the powers that be, else he risks
discrediting the very ideas that he is advancing. Not only that:
he risks being gagged by people who agree with him! Another question:
how is it that a man so easily embarrassed, so easily intimidated
into not saying what he believes is true, postures as a writer that
anyone would want to read on any subject?
You
can imagine such an editorial appearing in Pravda in the
1970s: "Solzhenitsyn is a well-known spokesman for the capitalist
ruling class and the cause of reaction, and a violent opponent of
socialism itself. Thus it is truly tragic that he has spoken out
against the Gulag system and the uses of terror by Stalin. He only
discredits responsible critics of past abuses that occurred under
Stalinism. Better that he remain silent than to make it so difficult
on the rest of us."
Now,
this isn’t to equate Robertson and Solzhenitsyn. But it is hardly
surprising to find that the most insightful opponents of a certain
religion, political system, or otherwise are themselves going to
be dedicated to a vision that stands in radical contrast to the
thing they criticize. People who are out front in making fundamental
criticisms, of driving forward the public debate, tend to be radicals
themselves. Tolerance toward them is the very essence of free and
open debate.
In
fact, it is the job of real intellectuals to defend the message
of such "extremists" whether the ruling class likes the
spokesman or not. A social and political system that is capable
of discrediting an otherwise tolerable view solely on grounds that
the person giving it voice is not politically favored is nothing
short of despotic. A commentator who implicitly complies with such
a despotic system is not courageous but toadying and pathetic.
If
Vardarajan really likes what Robertson had to say, he might have
said: "I don’t agree with Robertson usually, but he is right
this time, even if he could have made some more careful distinctions."
The commentary would have been just as effective. Instead, he agrees
with the censors that Robertson should be muzzled so as to make
room for responsible voices to say the same thing with more attention
to political niceties. In short, he is buying into the entire racket
and, even worse, joining it, even revealing that he is part of it.
This
is but one illustration of a widespread phenomenon in American political
society, one that has gotten much worse since the war on terror.
In the month after the war on terror began, a series of articles,
emanating from such places as the WSJ, began to chronicle
the opinions of various communists and nazis to the effect that
the war on terror is a bad idea. The objective here was to discredit
all skeptics and intimidate them into silence, based on the supposition
that all critics of the war would be as fearful and crawling as
Vardarajan shows himself to be toward the issue of Islam.
Even
before the war on terror, if someone made a telling point against
race quotas, the supporters knew exactly what they must do: discredit
the speaker and find some way in which he could be "linked"
with racist causes. If they succeed in doing so, they have delivered
the decisive blow. Addressing the actual content of the commentary
becomes irrelevant; it is one’s position in the complex constellation
of what constitutes respectability that matters most.
This
is precisely the tactic that the left used to decry during the so-called
McCarthy Era, when the political opinions of a handful of communists
were denounced as coming from, well, communists. The left denounced
the core theory behind the right’s attacks. Guilt by association!,
the left cried. Deal with the message instead of trying to discredit
the messenger! What the left was doing here was fighting the fundamental
supposition that you can bury a point of view by attempting to destroy
the person who holds it. The left fought the standard of judgment
itself, not just the accusation.
But
what does the political right do when faced with the same tactics,
whether in the media or the university? It submits to the terms
as dictated by the left. Not only that, it is pleased to agree that
the terms are perfectly fair and wonderful, and that, for example,
Pat Robertson’s views should be rejected on grounds that he is alleged
to be a bigot. This is why, in Vardarajan’s view, he should just
shut up; Robertson is discrediting the anti-Islamic cause that he,
Vardarajan, would otherwise take up.
Now,
it so happens that both Robertson and Vardarajan are wrong. Islam
may be inherently violent theologically but so long as free trade
is alive and working well, Christendom can get along just fine with
the Muslim world, even its most extreme elements. In their hearts,
they might want to slit our throats, but it makes much more sense
to sell us rugs and oil. Free enterprise makes it possible for people
of radically different worldviews to get along just fine. At the
same time, the breakdown of commercial relations is often followed
by bloodshed.
But
whether you agree with Vardarajan or not, the point of his column
was to say that Pat Robertson, with whom he apparently agrees in
large measure, should not have said what he said, solely because
Pat is a bad man, a bigot, a fundamentalist himself. In arguing
this way, Vardarajan is only contributing to the problem. Better
that he remain silent.
February
28, 2002
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr. [send
him mail], is president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama, and editor of LewRockwell.com.
Copyright
© 2002 Mises Institute
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