That
Cincinnati Beating
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
by Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
Ludwig
von Mises often reminded his readers that the state is all about
beating, hanging, and killing, that when you advocate a law or a
regulation, you are effectively granting the state the permission
to kill non-compliers. This, and not compassion, is the essence
of statecraft. And while plenty of foreigners know all about the
killing power of the American state, few in the US pay much attention,
unless it involves race.
Thus
has the recent Cincinnati
case of a police killing gained attention, especially the snippet
that shows the police pounding a black man to his death. Like the
Rodney King case in Los Angeles, this one seems destined to inflame
passions. Those who regard blacks as official victims, entitled
to unending benefits at the expense of everyone else, revel in such
scenes, if only because they make the redistributionist political
agenda easier to enact and harder to object to. And those who want
to centralize law enforcement like it too, because it seems to suggest
that local police are abusive and in need of top-down control by
the squeaky-clean saviors from on high.
Using
these scenes for political propaganda is effective because no person
with an attachment to the idea of liberty is thrilled to see police
beating anyone. The scene seems to embody a radical disparity in
power, one person confronting a group of uniformed government agents
who can legally kill anyone who struggles to be free of them. A
police beating seems to sum up everything that is inherently wrong
with the existing relationship between the individual and the state.
That
is not to say that beating and killing is never justified. A property
owner can kill an intruder. A person defending his life against
an attacker can kill. Killing can be justified as self-defense and
even as punishment. These are established principles in law and
morality.
The
tough part is making the transition to the state and its relationship
to individuals. Can the police legally kill someone simply because
he resists arrest? Why are the police permitted to break the laws
they allegedly enforce? They are permitted to speed, trespass, and
rob in the name of cracking down on speeding, trespassing, and robbing.
There is something about the institutionalization of this hypocrisy
that cries out for correction.
This
case draws attention to the disparity. Nathaniel Jones, the victim,
had passed out in the parking lot of a White Castle restaurant,
doing no physical harm to anyone. Not wanting a man lying on its
property, and not employing private guards, the restaurant called
the police. The police roused him and an unarmed Jones came up swinging
hard. He wasn't complying the greatest sin in the eyes of the state.
Was
he defending himself or were the police defending themselves? It's
unclear. What is clear is that he was hit 40 or 50 times with a
metal baton (by mostly white police, and one black) before falling
and later dying. Traces of PCP were found in his blood and other
drugs in his car. The police department is aggressively defending
itself against charges of abuse: they say the police obeyed regulations
in exacting increasingly hard punishments.
And
yet, apart from taking drugs and trespassing, what precisely had
Jones done wrong, aside from resisting arrest? The police tried
to arrest the guy and one thing led to another until Jones was dead.
This is in contrast to the case of Rodney King, whose beating followed
not only an attempt to resist arrest but also a dangerous high speed
chase in a residential neighborhood that clearly threatened innocents
of all sorts. His beating was as much a punishment for this as it
was an attempt to restrain.
In
a world in which property owners had absolute rights, what would
have happened to Jones? Could the restaurant owner walk up to a
passed out man on his private property and blast him in the head?
That would be contrary to normal rules of proportionality. In fact,
Murray N. Rothbard argues (Ethics
of Liberty, p. 85) that this would be the equivalent of
murder.
Killing
would only be proportional if the person were threatening the life
of the owner of the property, or his employees or customers. One
can imagine conditions under which a sleeping druggie would go this
far, and thereby be due the maximum punishment. But the property
owner would have every reason to stop the escalation, if only to
avoid legal entanglement and bad publicity.
We
should remember that the rules of proportionality set up a maximum
allowable punishment but do not mandate it. Good sense suggests
that, say, a net or sedative spray might be a better approach when
someone resists being thrown off private property. Surely, the police
should take this approach, if available, before beating and beating
a person until he is dead. In the Rodney King case, the police used
stun guns, which had no effect, before resorting to extreme tactics,
though, despite appearances, they caused little injury to King.
Might this have been a better approach in the Jones case?
Our
increasingly federalized police seem all too willing in these days
of the War on Terror to employ terror tactics whenever they can
get away with it. They have been unleashed as never before, and
hence have an increasingly antagonistic relationship to the citizenry.
They are less and less like servants and more and more like masters.
Roadblocks
in the US are now common. We think nothing of showing our papers
whenever we are asked. The slightest behavior out of the ordinary
calls down questions. You have the distinct impression that you
have no recourse to law and that your fate is entirely in the arbitrary
hands of the state. The armed agents of the state seem to be experiencing
a permanent bout of paranoia.
Imagine
how private security guards might have handled the matter differently.
Wal-Mart, for example, which uses private security. Might they have
just helped the man and tried to contact a family member? Might
they have sedated him had he become unruly? Or just backed off for
a time until the man stopped protesting? Or offered him $20 or a
bottle of scotch to go? They would have at least understood that
beating, let alone killing, people on company property is bad for
business. But the restaurant called government police who believe
they can and should use every amount of force they can get away
with under the regulations.
As
this case is looked at closely, and all the details spread across
the Cincinnati papers, a great irony presents itself. The case will
eventually be referred to the US government for investigation and
correction the same US government that has killed thousands and
thousands of civilians in Iraq, shoots people on the spot for resisting
any of its foreign adventures, and otherwise thinks nothing of destroying
life, not just for one person, but for thousands, and not just for
the guilty but the innocent too.
And
while this case will end up under court review, the thousands of
cases of killings in Iraq are subject only to military whitewash.
There is no rule of law, or anything approximating it, in Iraq,
where the US government demands the absolute right to have its way
with the population.
These
are the people we hope will save us from the abuse of our local
police. We fret and worry about the death of one man in Cincinnati,
but hardly anyone wants to talk about the thousands dead and tens
of thousands maimed and otherwise harmed in Iraq. If you are against
police brutality, by all means investigate every allegation. But
let's not forget that the greatest brutality of all is war, and
it is prosecuted not by local police, but by the most brutal cop
of all: the central state.
December
4, 2003
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr. [send him
mail] is president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama, and editor of LewRockwell.com.
Copyright
© 2003 LewRockwell.com
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