So
Much for Diversity
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell,
Jr.
Linda
Chavez's undocumented housemate wasn't the real reason the Left
ate her for dinner, but let's look at the case a moment. Cheering
her departure, the New York Times cites the supposed crime
that the woman was not receiving the minimum wage for the odd jobs
she did around the house. The idea here is that no one should be
allowed to work without obeying the government and without contributing
to public coffers.
But
the Times advances a false choice. Because the woman was
in the country illegally she couldn't have been employed legally.
The only choice would have been to turn her out onto the street
or call the INS. Maybe the Times wants to round up all illegals,
but I don't recall them making that point during the Florida election
debacle, when Haitian and other illegals cast many votes for Gore.
And
even if she were legal, would Linda have kept the woman on board
if she had to pay her regulation wages and take out Social Security?
Not likely. Therein lies a case against minimum wage laws: when
enforced, they dis-employ people who would otherwise be employed.
That is precisely why the unions like minimum wages so much: they
shrink the available job pool and diminish competition.
Another
sector of the radical Left believes that immigrants need not bother
to get work. Rather, they should just go on the dole, join pressure
groups, and vote for the Democrats. They are supposed to be political
pawns, not make themselves beholden to the private household charity
of Republican pundits!
Now
to the issue of "diversity." Think for a moment what would
happen if the Republicans attacked a Clinton appointee, a Hispanic
woman who acted charitably toward a refugee from Guatemala. The
Republicans would have been accused of the basest form of racism,
straining a gnat to destroy an uppity double minority.
Though
the Left heralds a policy of diversity now and forever, Chavez's
status made no difference. The lead spokesman for a group called
the National Council of La Raza (which means "The Race")
explains that Chavez doesn't count as a member.
"The
point of having a diverse Cabinet is to have someone who represents
the views of that community," she says, meaning the collective
views of that race as defined by its official leadership. "But
Chavez has made a career of saying, 'I'm opposed to what most Latinos
think and want.'"
And
so the grand council of The Race sought to destroy her, not because
she is against Hispanics but because she believes no group should
get special treatment under the law-a view not held by the approved
Hispanic leadership, which, as Linda has shown in her writings,
has been drafted into accepting victim status as a means of gaining
political power.
The
real meaning of diversity is thus out of the bag: political homogeneity.
If you are black, female, gay, or anything else, but hold the wrong
political views, you can count on the Left to hate you as much as
it hates conservative straight white males. When the Left demands
diversity, it is demanding not women and minorities as such, but
more leftism, more government, more politics by pressure group.
If
the appointee is a white male, the Left attacks him for his blindness
to the needs of women and minorities. If it is a woman or minority,
attack on grounds that the person in question doesn't reflect the
views of the "community." You see what this does? It poisons
the well for any sensible nominee for any post.
Keep
in mind, too, that these are the same standards the Left wants to
use in judging whom you hire, fire, and interact with in every other
area of life. For that reason, much of the opposition to Chavez's
appointment masks a totalitarian agenda.
In
any case, the controversy was only superficially about whether Chavez
hired an illegal immigrant to work in her house or was just giving
gifts independent of any services provided. It was just an excuse
to shoot down a nominee hated for her mostly sensible views on politics.
Chavez
is against affirmative action, skeptical of the welfare state, doubtful
about the agendas of major leftist lobbying groups, solidly against
tax-funded bilingualism, and generally adheres to a range of positions
that destructionist special interests find intolerable.
By
tradition, the head of the Department of Labor is not supposed to
be independently minded. He is supposed to be a captive of the labor
unions and do their bidding, which includes leading stupid crusades
for a higher minimum wage and against teen labor, unreported domestic
work, failure to adhere to every labor regulation, and anything
else that may pop up. Even under Republican administrations, this
has been the case.
As
the New York Times further says, "There are plenty of
solid Republicans who have good relations with organized labor and
are sensitive to the concerns of their wage-earning constituents.
A good appointment would reassure citizens that the Department of
Labor will not be unfair to those who do the nation's work."
Chavez
is in print opposing a whole range of labor-union demands for more
government controls. She also seems to have at least a modicum of
understanding that too much government harms, not helps, working
people. Her ratification would have meant that for the first time
in 97 years, the department would have been headed by someone not
beholden to labor unions. And so opposition to her was inevitable.
The
Labor Department itself was created in a fit of central-planning
hysteria during the Progressive Era. What a time! Congress and the
president also gave us the income tax and all its pomps, the Federal
Reserve, the FTC, anti-trust persecutions, World War I, war socialism,
and the direct election of Senators—all of which conspired to expand
government power and curb our traditional freedoms.
The
alleged idea behind the Labor Department's creation was: "to
foster, promote, and develop the welfare of the wage earners of
the United States, to improve their working conditions, and to advance
their opportunities for profitable employment." But it has
never done that. It has done the opposite. We owe the improvement
of working conditions and worker prosperity to the free market and
private capital investment, not government planning.
It
was during the New Deal that the Labor Department became truly menacing.
It was a complete captive of FDR's political machine, and a tool
for prolonging the depression by keeping wages high when they most
needed to fall. Union bosses benefitted from its interventions and
regimentation of the labor market, but everyone else suffered as
job opportunities shriveled and unemployment stayed high. In FDR's
war, the department became positively Soviet-like. No wonder US
ally Stalin was able to plant so many spies in the Labor Department.
It's
long past time for the model to be tossed out. If we had the kinds
of changes we really need, the entire city block taken up by this
monstrous department's headquarters would be privatized. Maybe it
could be a private art museum. Or condos. How about a huge fast-food
court?
Working
people don't need a bureaucracy in Washington to manage their affairs.
But so long as one exists, it will be used to control people. If
you think people shouldn't be controlled, it's better to get rid
of the agency than to attempt to take it over. If the Republican
Congress and presidency want to pay back the Left for their victory
over Chavez, they will defund the entire Department of Labor to
make sure no labor-union captive ever heads it again.
January
12, 2001
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr., is president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama. He also edits a daily
news site, LewRockwell.com.
Copyright
© 2001 LewRockwell.com
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