Should
We Buy American?
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
by Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
This
talk was prepared for a Christian businessmen’s luncheon at the
First National Bank in East Lansing, Michigan, on April 19, 2005.
Some
of the most vociferous attacks on free trade in recent years have
come from religious lobbies, and are led by people who believe that
they have the best interests of the workers in mind. They call on
us to buy products labeled fair trade, or to boycott growers who
employ low-cost labor, or to refuse products made by international
corporations operating in the third world, or to join protestors
at any international conferences where it is believed that the conspirators
inside are seeking to lower barriers to trade. They do all of these
things under the conviction that to limit the right to buy and sell
is part of the mission of spreading the social gospel.
Actually,
what they are doing is raising the prices of consumer products,
harming opportunity for workers to find good employment, hindering
growth of economies in the developing world, and inadvertently serving
as foot soldiers for the mercantile interest groups that seek to
shield themselves from more efficient but foreign competitors. Their
campaigns may be cast in a different light, but the substance of
their program is no different from those who say that we should
only buy American, which in turn makes no more logical sense than
a campaign to buy only Michigan, or buy only Lansing, or, reductio
ad absurdum, buy only from me.
The
push to restrict people's opportunities to buy and sell based on
region is an attempt to bring about what economists call autarky,
or economic self-sufficiency. It is the economic system that decries
the expansion of the division of labor and urges all production
to take place in the smallest possible geographical unit. In practice,
the campaign for economic autarky takes place at the level of the
nation state and thereby works as a handmaiden of those who see
nationalism and even war as a better program than peace and mutual
betterment through trade.
I
know of only one setting in which autarky is economically viable.
It is the Garden of Eden. Here the ground did not need to be prepared
for growing. It produced on its own. Animals did not need to be
hunted, slaughtered, and cooked. Economic scarcity did not exist.
There was no scarcity of resources, no scarcity of time, and no
economic problem to overcome at all. Mortality was unknown. Man
and woman lived in perfect contentment in the presence of God. Economic
autarky was viable here.
But
with sin came death and banishment from this garden. Man and woman
would have to work to produce. Pain and suffering entered into the
world. Time and resources were scarce. But God did not leave the
human population with no means to overcome the new limits on what
could be consumed. God made it possible for the human population
to use intelligence to exchange. People would divide their labor
based on their own unique talents and capacities. This division
took place between peoples and regions. Trade became a means to
achieve a kind of cooperative unity even though the Garden of Eden
was nowhere to be found.
Thus
was born the concept of free trade.
The
Christian tradition teaches that the sin of the Garden was finally
destroyed at the Incarnation, when God became Man and walked among
us. The Gospel of Matthew records for us that the first gifts given
to him came from the Magi, wise men who traveled from foreign lands.
And what did they bring? Gold, frankincense, and myrrh products
from the East. Jesus was thus presented products acquired from international
lands, imports to Bethlehem.
One
can only imagine the scene had the social gospel autarkists been
present. They would have demanded to know whether the workers who
mined the gold, made the incense, or produced the myrrh were paid
a fair wage. They might have demanded, lacking proof of such, that
the Wise Men should have refrained from buying. Certainly Jesus
should not be given gifts acquired through fair trade, they might
say. They might have demanded that instead of traveling from afar
that the Wise Men might have been socially conscious enough to Buy
Bethlehem.
In
his ministry Jesus recruited from among the merchant class, most
famously from among fishermen, whose produced commodity knows no
nation or state. They were tent makers who traveled to provide people
goods and services that they needed where they needed them. There
is not a word in the whole of the Gospels that speaks of some alleged
need to keep production local or to establish some arbitrary geographic
limits on buying and selling. Such an attitude is completely alien
to Biblical times, where the need to overcome poverty through trade
was everywhere understood.
Jesus's
parables are filled with references to commerce and its ethical
obligations. In the story of the Laborers in the Vineyard, we find
a vineyard owner who hires based on contract and adheres to that
contract even when it meant paying people who worked a full day
the same as those who worked only a few hours. There was no talk
of fair wages here. The lesson we are taught rests on the right
of the owner to make contracts, the right of the laborer to accept
or refuse work, and the failure of vision of those workers who complain
about the terms after the fact.
Again,
we can imagine what the social gospel autarkists would say about
this situation. They would probably advocate nationalizing the vineyard
and unionizing the workers, who would then promptly strike for shorter
hours and higher wages and benefits all around.
Moving
on to the parable of the talents from Saint Matthew, scripture notes
that the master is preparing for another trip to a foreign land.
We are told that he is the kind of person who reaps where he has
not sown and gathers where he has not planted. In other words, he
used the division of labor, the surest path to wealth. He was a
trader and entrepreneur who saw his business as extended to all
places, not just those of his residence. It is through foreign trade
that the man most likely made his money, which was then given to
the servants as a test of their prowess as investors. Some passed
and others failed.
We
as individuals and as a nation can choose to bury our talents or
seek out the best and most profitable uses for them. That could
mean that our capital should travel just as the master in the parable
has traveled. To insist that we use our scarce resources wastefully
means to behave as the man who was cast out of the kingdom on grounds
that he hadn't even deposited his money with the bankers to earn
a market rate of return.
Today,
we face relentless demands to establish a system of autarky, to
buy local or national rather than divide up the labor, specialize,
and trade to our mutual advantage. But this is not the path to prosperity.
It is the path to conflict and war. Among the charges that the Declaration
of Independence leveled against King George was that he was attempting
to cut off colonial trade with all parts of the world but Britain.
This the founders saw as a violation of human rights and a policy
of impoverishment.
As
F.A. Hayek wrote in the neglected conclusion to his 1944 book The
Road to Serfdom, "If international economic relations, instead
of being between individuals, become relations between whole nations
organized as trading bodies, they will inevitably become the source
of friction and envy."
Ludwig
von Mises concluded in his 1944 book Omnipotent
Government: The Rise of the Total State and Total War with
a similar warning. "The establishment," he said, "of an international
body for foreign trade planning will end in hyperprotectionism."
These two great free marketeers understood how government uses the
period immediately following a war as it does the war itself for
state power and special-interest rewards.
When
we think of the conflicts of our own time, we can see how they stem
from a failure to engage in exchange. Ten years of sanctions against
Iraq cut off that country's trade with its most profitable markets.
This act of protectionism was a prelude to a ghastly war. In contrast,
our relations with China have been of growing amounts of trade,
and a potential setting of conflict has turned to one of mutual
benefit.
After
the fall of communism and the rise of economic liberalization around
the world, it is no longer feasible to deny the reality of economic
globalization. Rather than bemoan this, we need to see the benefits
for all peoples. It means more good and services and lower prices.
It means more opportunities for improving the standard of living.
It means better relationships between all cultures and peoples.
In free trade, I believe, we see the hand of the Creator. We are
given the means to cooperate to overcome banishment from the Garden.
We will also contend with scarcity. But that should never stop us
from living out the Gospel command to go forth into all the world.
It
is the earth and the fullness thereof, not the nation state, that
is the Lord's. Not just ministers but also merchants and consumers
should be free to go forth into all the world.
April
20, 2005
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr. [send him
mail] is president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama, editor of LewRockwell.com
and author of Speaking
of Liberty.
Copyright
© 2005 LewRockwell.com
Lew
Rockwell Archives
|