The
Real Cause of Blackouts
by
Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
by Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr.
Sometimes
(well, often) you just want to say: down with the state!
Consider that
an outburst, the kind you feel like making when the lights won't
come on. And the heat wave – and the public utility response – is
the news that prompts it.
All last week,
major parts of Queens, New York, were without electricity following
a failure of power that plunged major parts of the city into darkness
amidst sweltering heat for more than a week.
For many, it
was the Ten Days of Hell. There were thousands who were without
air conditioning, lights, refrigeration, internet connections, and,
well, modern life generally.
And get this:
no one is sure why, precisely, it happened, other than to say that
the system became overloaded. What will happen as a result? Hearings,
reports, meetings, yammering, resolutions, reforms, and, in time,
another blackout followed by hearings, reports, meetings, etc.,
all of which will be filed in that huge warehouse where all the
other reports on past blackouts reside.
What do the
consumers do about it? They follow the news and keep paying the
bills, to the same company that let them down. They can't switch.
They can't influence the production process. They are powerless
in more ways than one.
Meanwhile,
on the other side of the country, California residents are putting
up with blackouts, threats of more blackouts, denunciations from
politicians, and even death: 56 people so far. All because of a
heat wave, and all because the structure of the industry is not
designed for extremes.
Now, if markets
were in charge, a heat wave would not be looked at as a problem
but an opportunity. Entrepreneurs would be swarming to meet demand,
just as they do in every other sector that is controlled by markets.
The power companies would be praying for heat waves!
After all,
do shoe manufacturers see a massive increase in footwear demand
as a problem? Do fast food companies see lunchtime munchies as a
terrible threat? On the contrary, these are profit opportunities.
Just who is
in charge of getting electricity to residents? A public utility,
which, in the absurd American lexicon, means "state-run" and "state-managed,"
perhaps with a veneer of private trappings. If you look at the electrical
grid on a map, it is organized by region. If you look at the jurisdiction
of management, it is organized by political boundaries.
In other ways,
the provision of power is organized precisely how a central planner
of the old school might plan something: not according to economics
but according to some textbook idea of how to be "organized." It
is "organized" the same way the Soviets organized grain production
or the New Deal organized bridge building.
All centralization
and cartelization began nearly a century ago, as Robert Bradley
points out in Energy:
The Master Resource, when industry leaders obtained what
was known as a regulatory covenant. They received franchise protection
from market competition in exchange for which they agreed to price
controls based on a cost-plus formula – a formula that survives
to this day.
Then the economists
got involved ex-post and declared that electrical power has been
considered a "public good," under the belief that private enterprise
is not up to the job of providing the essentials of life.
What industry
leaders received from this pact with the devil was a certain level
of cartel-like protection, the same type that the English crown
granted tea or the US government grants first-class postal mail.
It is a government privilege that subjects them to regulation and
immunizes companies from business failure. It's great for a handful
of producers, but not so great for everyone else.
There are many
costs. Customers are not in charge. They are courted only for political
reasons but they are not the first concern of the production process.
Entrepreneurial development is hindered. Our current system of electrical
provision is stuck in time. Meanwhile, sectors that provide DSL
and other forms of internet and telecommunication services are expanded
and advancing day by day – not with perfect results but at least
with the desire to serve consumers.
In markets,
we aren't denounced for our "consumerism" and "greed"; if anything,
it is courted and encouraged. Indeed, isn't this why markets are
denounced? They encourage consumers to spend, spend, spend, consume,
consume, consume. Well, think about the alternative. It exists right
now with electrical provision. We are denounced for not wanting
to live in 90-degree houses and sleep in puddles of sweat.
How New York
and California consumers would adore a setting in which power companies
were begging for their business and encouraged them to turn down
their thermostats to the coldest point. Competition would lead to
price reductions, innovation, and ever more variety of services
– the same as we find in the computer industry.
What we are
learning in our times is that no essential sector of life can be
entrusted to the state. Energy is far too important to the very
core of life to be administered by a bureaucracy that lacks the
economic means to provide for the public. How it should be organized
should be left to the markets. We can't say in advance. Whatever
the result, you can bet the grid would not look like it does today,
nor would its management be dependent on the whims of political
jurisdiction.
What we need
today is full, radical, complete, uncompromised deregulation and
privatization. We need competition. That doesn't mean that we need
two or more companies serving every market (though that was common
up through the 1960s). What we need is the absence of legal barriers
to enter the market. If that market is served by a single company,
fine. Competition exists so long as the state is not prohibiting
other companies from trying their hand.
How
important is this subject? It is crucial. The continued development
of civilization depends heavily on the provision of electricity
and other forms of power. But what should be a political priority
isn't even on the agenda. You might think that continued blackouts
and the like would change matters. We'll see.
Just think
about this general principle. When some good or service is in high
demand, and economically feasible to deliver to those who demand
it, and it is not being delivered in a way that is consistent with
consumer welfare, you can bet that the state is involved. Get the
state out of it, and you will see the dawning of a new time where
we fear no blackouts.
Let
me add this: many people want to avoid the topic of energy because
it is technical, large, and it seems too specialized. But Robert
Bradley's book tells you what you need to know, from the point
of history, economics, and politics, and does so understandably.
July
27, 2006
Llewellyn
H. Rockwell, Jr. [send him
mail] is president of the Ludwig
von Mises Institute in Auburn, Alabama, editor of LewRockwell.com,
and author of Speaking
of Liberty.
Copyright
© 2006 LewRockwell.com
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