Evidence of a Stolen Election
by
Paul Craig Roberts
by Paul Craig Roberts
As
coincidence would have it, Mark Crispin Miller’s new book, Fooled
Again (Basic Books), documenting the Republican theft of
the 2004 presidential election, arrived in the same mail delivery
with the January 12 edition of the Defuniak Springs Herald, the
locally owned weekly newspaper in a Florida panhandle county seat.
The Florida
panhandle is thorough-going Republican. Even Democrats run as Republicans.
Nevertheless, the newspaper’s editor, Ron Kelley, believes that
American political life is measured by something larger than party
affiliation. In his editorial, "The shepherds and the sheep,"
Kelley reports that two Florida counties have banned any further
use of Diebold voting machines after witnessing a professional demonstration
that the machines, contrary to Diebold’s claim, are easily hacked
to record votes differently from the way in which they are cast
by voters.
The pre-election
statement by Diebold’s CEO that he would work to deliver the election
to Bush was apparently no idle boast. In five states where the new
"foolproof" electronic voting machines were used, the
vote tallies differed substantially from the exit polls. Such a
disparity is unusual. The chances of exit polls in five states being
wrong are no more than one in one million.
Miller describes
considerably more election fraud than voting machines programmed
to count a proportion of Kerry votes as Bush votes. Voters were
disenfranchised in a number of ways. Miller reports incidences of
intimidation of, and reduced voting opportunities for, poorer voters
who tend to vote Democrat.
Some of Miller’s
evidence is circumstantial. However, he documents widespread Republican
dirty tricks and foul play. The media’s indifference to a stolen
election burns Miller as much as the stolen election itself.
Miller is not
alone in his concerns. The non-partisan US Government Accountability
Office (GAO) in response to congressional request investigated a
number of complaints regarding the electronic voting machines.
Here are some
of the problems noted in the GAO’s September 2005 report:
- Some voting
machines did not encrypt cast ballots or system audit logs, and
it was possible to alter both without being detected.
- It was possible
to alter the machines so that a ballot cast for one candidate
would be recorded for another.
- Vendors
installed uncertified versions of voting system software at the
local level.
- Access was
easily compromised and did not require a widespread conspiracy.
A small
handful of people is sufficient to steal an election.
Curiously,
the media has shown no interest in the GAO report. In my opinion,
a free press has proven to be inconsistent with the recently permitted
highly concentrated corporate ownership of the US media.
The electronic
voting machines leave virtually no paper trail and their use involves
private potentially partisan corporations tabulating the votes with
proprietary software that is not transparent.
A number of
counties in various states have decided to return to paper ballots
that can be verified and recounted. But now that Republicans have
learned that they can use the electronic machines to control election
outcomes, the disenfranchisement of Democrats is likely to be a
permanent feature of American "democracy."
Other reports
claim that the under-sampling by pollsters of Democratic voters
creates a percentage bias that exaggerates the number of Republican
voters by as much as 5 percent, thus providing cover for vote fraud.
If hard-to-reach Democratic voters, such as the working poor, are
less likely to answer telephones, polls can create the illusion
that there are more Republican voters than in fact exist. If the
electronic voting machines are then rigged to shift 5 or 6 percent
of the vote to the Republican candidate, the result is not at odds
with the expected result and can be used as "evidence"
to counter the divergence between exit polls and vote tally.
The
outcome of the 2004 presidential election has always struck me as
strange. Although Kerry was a poor candidate and evaded the issue
most on the public’s mind, by November of 2004 a majority of Americans
were aware that Bush had led the country into a gratuitous war on
the basis either of incompetence or deception. By November 2004
it was completely clear that Saddam Hussein had no weapons of mass
destruction and that Bush had rushed to war. People were concerned
by the changing rationales that Bush was offering for going to war.
Moreover, the needless war was going badly and the results bore
no relationship to the rosy scenario painted at the time of the
invasion. It seems contrary to American common sense for voters
to have reelected a president who had failed in such a dramatic
way.
Miller
directs our attention to Bush’s high-handed treatment of dissenters.
If electronic voting machines programmed by private Republican firms
remain in our future, dissent will become pointless unless it boils
over into revolution. Power-mad Republicans need to consider the
result when democracy loses its legitimacy and only the rich have
anything to lose.
January
19, 2006
Dr.
Roberts [send him mail]
is
John M. Olin Fellow at the Institute for Political Economy and Research
Fellow at the Independent Institute.
He is a former associate editor of the Wall Street Journal,
former contributing editor for National Review, and a former
assistant secretary of the U.S. Treasury. He is the co-author of
The
Tyranny of Good Intentions.
Copyright
© 2006 Creators Syndicate
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