The Shame of the Press (& TV)
by
Murray Polner
by Murray Polner
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As everyone
now knows, the "mainstream media" has been losing advertisers,
readers, and money for years. The familiar reasons include younger
non-readers, a lack of interest in world affairs, and ideologically
inspired attacks on the "liberal media" plus the Internet
and bloggers and assorted technological advances. Scrawls listing
"news" headlines on the bottom of TV screens are the latest
gimmicks. Worst of all, our print press and of course TV networks
have long since given up on hard, and if need be skeptical, reporting
about what our "leaders" say and want us to believe.
What brought
the major media to this point is debatable but nothing in recent
history can absolve virtually every American newspaper and TV network
for the spineless manner it became an echo chamber for the Bush
administration’s bellicose, deceitful and incompetent misadventure
in Iraq. (An honorable exception is Knight-Ridder’s Washington staff
– now McClatchy – which recognized almost from the start that a
catastrophe lay ahead.) How and why our newspapers and news magazines
fell for the utopian fantasies dreamed up by feckless neoconservatives
and our five-draft deferment hawk Dick Cheney will forever haunt
them. At least the New York Times has publicly apologized
for its bad reporting about Iraq but we have yet to hear many apologies
or explanations from anyone else.
Lying by Presidential
administrations is hardly novel. The Spanish American War, the invasion
of the Philippines, entry into World War I, the repeated occupations
of Caribbean and Central American mini-states, the Vietnam War,
Reagan’s proxy war in Central America, the curious and unexplained
invasions of miniscule Granada and Panama, where America’s erstwhile
protégé Noriega (à la Saddam) suddenly became the
"enemy" are prime examples of presidential falsehoods.
In every instance what the press reported then and now during "crises"
hatched in Washington is what the White House and the so-called
foreign policy elite wanted it to report.
To begin with,
not many in our press corps seriously asked before 2003 why we intended
to go to war. Was it because of the region’s oil or to defend Israel?
If so, these possibilities were rarely discussed and debated. Or
was it simply American arrogance that the "world’s only superpower"
could do whatever it pleased?
From the beginning,
skeptics were anathema and absent on TV, where, sadly, most Americans
find their news. A critic like Scott Ritter was denigrated. Sagacious
commentators such as Seymour Hersh, Mark Danner, Michael Massing,
Ron Suskind, Murray Waas, Robert Parry, Pat Buchanan, former Reagan
administration official and sometime Wall Street Journal
associate editor Paul Craig Roberts, together with the libertarians
at LewRockwell.com, wrote early and often for relatively small groups
of intellectuals and policy wonks but could not be heard over the
din of triumphal home-front warriors. Major book publishers, at
least until the Iraq War consensus began falling apart, initially
shied away from putting out books critical of the way the war was
foisted on an unsuspecting public. Sunday morning TV offered viewers
a dreary round of familiar oracles saluting our "Churchillian"
President. The authors of When
The Press Fails (University of Chicago Press), a significant
and timely well-documented account (W. Lance Bennett and Regina
G. Lawrence are political scientists and Steven Livingston teaches
media and public affairs), report in detail how Americans were never
informed in any detail of the possible risks involved in initiating
a distant war in so volatile a region against a nation that had
never harmed us.
What every
one of them did over and again was allow Bush and Cheney and their
sycophants to define the terms and therefore the "debate"
about WMDs and Sadaam Hussein’s non-existent connection to Al Qaeda;
that is, until the truth caught up with them. When Andrew Card,
the White House Chief of Staff, explained in 2002 why their propaganda
campaign for war had to start in September, he said, "From
a marketing point of view, you don’t introduce new products in August"
few in the press or the tame 6:30 TV "news," let alone
the vaunted Washington press corps, began investigating "when
there was still time to debate the U.S, invasion in public."
The authors continue: "In short, a war being promoted through
a sales campaign was not the story the news highlighted." Instead,
"the result is that the public was saturated with the sales
pitch, which was delivered loud and clear throughout the news media."
There were
many other examples for challenging the war makers, such as the
"Downing Street" memo, which proved that the Bush administration
had Iraq in its sights long before March 2003, a fact which was
widely noted in the U.K. but essentially ignored in this country.
Torture and Abu Ghraib are prominently discussed in the book. The
three authors of When The Press Fails point out that the
word "torture" was generally dropped in the media and
the softer word "abuse" substituted, leading many unsuspecting
readers and viewers to accept the President’s view that Americans
didn’t torture.
And when Cheney
suggested time and again that war against Iraq was a necessity,
as he does now when he threatens war against Iran, consequences
be damned, the press and of course TV "news" remains largely
silent about the new war he and the neocons –virtually all of whom
neither served on active military duty nor sent their own kids off
to war – are now urging on Americans. The Guardian, a British
newspaper, reported on 7/16/07 that Cheney’s pro-war views about
Iran seem to be winning. "The balance in the internal White
House debate over Iran has shifted back in favor of military action
before President George Bush leaves office in 18 months."
True or not,
who in the major national media will now turn their reporters loose
to determine what the White House has in mind for Iran and whether
yet another war is in American interests? Will they investigate
as best they can why three US aircraft carriers and almost half
the U.S. fleet of 227 ships are stationed near Iran? Will they ask
if a tacit Washington-Jerusalem agreement has been reached whereby
Israel will attack Iran, and then the U.S. will find an excuse to
enter another Middle Eastern conflict? And above all, they need
to ask how another war can be fought without a draft.
One of our
most incisive commentators today is Hendrik Hertzberg of The
New Yorker. Referring to Cheney’s threats against Iran, Hertzberg
closed his July 9 and 16 essay on an alarming note: "The awful
climax of ‘Cheney/Bush’ may be yet to come."
That the media
performed so miserably is hardly novel given that the " significant
legacy of the McCarthy era is caution in the newsroom in the face
of government intimidation." This charge is made by former
CNN correspondent Edward Alwood's Dark
Days in the Newsroom: McCarthyism Aimed at the Press (Temple
University Press) another acute examination how the press – again
with so few exceptions – rolled over when Joe McCarthy, HUAC, Hoover’s
FBI and other opportunistic rogues hounded and assailed everyone
they claimed – without evidence – was promoting Communism in this
country.
Notwithstanding
the careful studies by Harvey Klehr and John Earl Haynes, who relied
on the invaluable Venona transcripts to prove there were indeed
Soviet spies who needed to be prosecuted, the Washington-based inquisitors
and headline hunters of the fifties, backed by a terrified national
press (Some proud exceptions: The New York Times, the New
York Post and Time) gave McCarthy and Hoover’s red-hunters
all the support they needed. Yet aside from truthful informers such
as Elizabeth Bentley and Whitaker Chambers, the inquisitors employed
liars like Harvey Matusow, a cunning Bronx hustler, who eventually
came to his senses and published his mea culpa, False
Witness, with a minuscule pro-communist publishing house
no less.
But McCarthy,
Eastland, Jennings, J. Parnell Thomas, Hoover and other headline
hunters were after bigger fish than low-level current and ex-CP
members and fellow travelers. One of their primary targets was the
Newspaper Guild, their way of taming frightened publishers and editors.
Men and women reporters in newspaper offices and the union were
often unjustly smeared because they had been liberals, leftists
or during the darkest days of the Great Depression had once joined
the Communist Party, then quite legal. Many other people were also
savagely attacked and humiliated. The rabid Hearst and Scripps-Howard
press and McCarthyite columnists excoriated them and scared employers
promptly fired them. When some of my public school teachers were
fired for being "leftists" or "Communists" none were ever shown
to have propagandized their students. Nor were any of them ever
convicted of spying. In that most shameful of times lives were smashed,
careers ruined, marriages broken. One of my dismissed teachers spent
the remainder of his working life delivering milk. Public officials,
university presidents and boards of education cowardly gave up their
employees. I don’t recall many newspaper editorials or radio commentators
defending their right to teach.
McCarthy also
went after editor James Wechsler, who as a young man had briefly
been a Communist. As the tough editor of the then-liberal New
York Post his paper had critically scrutinized Nixon, Hoover
and McCarthy. For these crimes he was always shadowed by the ubiquitous
FBI and forced to testify before the amoral McCarthy.
In the end,
Wechsler had wise words for the press.
"It was
said long ago that the function of a newspaper [and TV networks]
is to ‘comfort the afflicted and afflict the comfortable,"
Wechsler said years later. "Too many newspapers have forgotten
the words or grown soft and comfortable themselves that they view
the phrase as inflammatory. We like it and we propose to remember
it, not because we regard success as subversive but because success
too often means the complacent loss of conscience."
July
19, 2007
Murray
Polner [send
him mail] co-authored
Disarmed
and Dangerous, a biography of Daniel and Philip Berrigan
and wrote No
Victory Parades: The Return of the Vietnam Veteran. This
article originally appeared on George Mason University’s History
News Network.
Copyright
© 2007 History News Network
Murray
Polner Archives
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