In the
House of Representatives, September 4, 2002
Mr. Speaker;
I rise to urge the Congress to think twice before thrusting this
nation into a war without merit – one fraught with the danger
of escalating into something no American will be pleased with.
Thomas Jefferson once said: "Never was so much false arithmetic
employed on any subject as that which has been employed to persuade
nations that it is in their interests to go to war." We have
for months now heard plenty of false arithmetic and lame excuses
for why we must pursue a preemptive war of aggression against
an impoverished third world nation 6000 miles from our shores
that doesn’t even possess a navy or air force, on the pretense
that it must be done for national security reasons.
For some
reason such an attack makes me feel much less secure, while our
country is made more vulnerable.
Congress
must consider the fact that those with military experience advocate
a "go slow" policy, while those without military experience
are the ones demanding this war. We cannot ignore the fact that
all of Iraq’s neighbors oppose this attack, and our European allies
object as well.
If the military
and diplomatic reasons for a policy of restraint make no sense
to those who want a war, I advise they consider the $100 billion
cost that will surely compound our serious budget and economic
problems we face here at home. We need no more false arithmetic
on our budget or false reasons for pursuing this new adventure
into preemptive war and worldwide nation-building.
Mr. Speaker,
allow me to offer another quote from Jefferson. Jefferson said:
"No country perhaps was ever so thoroughly against war as
ours. These dispositions pervade every description of its citizens,
whether in or out of office. We love and we value peace, we know
its blessings from experience."
We need this
sentiment renewed in this Congress in order to avoid a needless
war that offers us nothing but trouble. Congress must deal with
this serious matter of whether or not we go to war. I believe
it would be a mistake with the information that is available to
us today. I do not see any reason whatsoever to take young men
and young women and send them 6,000 miles to attack a country
that has not committed any aggression against this country. Many
Americans now share my belief that it would be a serious mistake.
First, there
is a practical reason to oppose a war in Iraq. Our military now
has been weakened over the last decade, and when we go into Iraq
we will clearly dilute our ability to defend our country. We do
not enhance our national defense by initiating this war. Besides,
it is impractical because of unintended consequences which none
of us know about. We do not know exactly how long this will last.
It could be a six-day war, a six-month war, or six years or even
longer.
There is
a military reason for not going to war. We ought to listen to
the generals and other military experts, including Colin Powell,
Brent Scowcroft, Anthony Zinni, and Norman Schwarzkopf, who are
now advising us NOT to go to war. Some have even cautioned against
the possibility of starting World War III. They understand that
our troops have been spread too thin around the world, and it
is dangerous from a purely military standpoint to go to war today.
There is
a constitutional argument and a constitutional mistake that could
be made. If we once again go to war, as we have done on so many
occasions since World War II, without a clear declaration of war
by Congress, we blatantly violate the Constitution. I fear we
will once again go to war in a haphazard way, by executive order,
or even by begging permission from the rotten, anti-American United
Nations. This haphazard approach, combined with a lack of clearly
defined goals for victory, makes it almost inevitable that true
victory will not come. So we should look at this from a constitutional
perspective. Congress should assume its responsibility, because
war is declared by Congress, not by a President and not by a U.N.
This is a
very important matter, and I am delighted to hear that there will
be congressional hearings and discussion. I certainly believe
we should have a balanced approach. We have already had some hearings
in the other body, where we heard only one side of the issue.
If we want to have real hearings, we should have a debate and
hear evidence on both sides, rather than just hearing pro-war
interests arguing for war.
There are
even good political reasons for not initiating this conflict.
War is not popular. It may seem popular in the short run, when
there appears to be an immediate victory and everyone is gloating,
but war is not popular. People get killed, and body bags end up
coming back. War is very unpopular, and it is not the politically
smart thing to do.
There are
economic reasons to avoid this war. We can do serious damage to
our economy. It is estimated that this venture into Iraq may well
cost over a hundred billion dollars. Our national debt right now
is increasing at a rate of over $450 billion yearly, and we are
talking about spending another hundred billion dollars on an adventure
when we do not know what the outcome will be and how long it will
last? What will happen to oil prices? What will happen to the
recession that we are in? What will happen to the deficit? We
must expect all kinds of economic ramifications.
There are
countless diplomatic reasons for not going. All the Arab nations
near Iraq object to and do not endorse our plans, and none of
our European allies are anxious for this to happen. So diplomatically
we make a serious mistake by doing this. I hope we have second
thoughts and are very cautious in what we do.
There are
philosophical reasons for those who believe in limited government
to oppose this war. "War is the health of the state,"
as the saying goes. War necessarily means more power is given
to the state. This additional power always results in a loss of
liberty. Many of the worst government programs of the 20th
century began during wartime "emergencies" and were
never abolished. War and big government go hand in hand, but we
should be striving for peace and freedom.
Finally,
there is a compelling moral argument against war in Iraq. Military
force is justified only in self-defense; naked aggression is the
province of dictators and rogue states. This is the danger of
a new "preemptive first strike" doctrine. America is
the most moral nation on earth, founded on moral principles, and
we must apply moral principles when deciding to use military force.
Finally, do the American people, and not just a handful
of advisors to the President, really want this war?
All of these questions, and many more, need to be asked and answered
in a full and robust congressional debate.