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A Wise Consistency
by
Rep. Ron Paul,
MD
by Rep. Ron Paul, MD
Before
the US House of Representatives, February 11, 2004
A wise consistency
is the foundation of a free society. Yet everyone knows, or thinks
they know, that consistency is the hobgoblin of little minds.
How many times has Ralph Waldo Emerson been quoted to belittle
a consistent philosophy defending freedom? Even on this floor
I have been rebuked by colleagues with this quote, for pointing
out the shortcomings of Congress in not consistently and precisely
following our oath to uphold the Constitution.
The need
to discredit consistency is endemic. It’s considered beneficial
to be flexible and pragmatic while rejecting consistency; otherwise
the self-criticism would be more than most Members could take.
The comfort level of most politicians in D.C. requires an attitude
that consistency not only is unnecessary, but detrimental. For
this reason Emerson’s views are conveniently cited to justify
pragmatism and arbitrary intervention in all our legislative endeavors.
Communism
was dependent on firm, consistent, and evil beliefs. Authoritarian
rule was required to enforce these views, however. Allowing alternative
views to exist, as they always do, guarantees philosophic competition.
For instance, the views in Hong Kong eventually won out over the
old communism of the Chinese mainland. But it can work in the
other direction. If the ideas of socialism, within the context
of our free society, are permitted to raise their ugly head, it
may well replace what we have, if we do not consistently and forcefully
defend the free market and personal liberty.
It’s quite
a distortion of Emerson’s views to use them as justification for
the incoherent and nonsensical policies coming out of Washington
today. But, the political benefits of not needing to be consistent
are so overwhelming that there’s no interest in being philosophically
consistent in one’s votes. It is a welcome convenience to be able
to support whatever seems best for the moment, the congressional
district, or one’s political party. Therefore, it’s quite advantageous
to cling to the notion that consistency is a hobgoblin. For this
reason, statesmanship in D.C. has come to mean one’s willingness
to give up one’s own personal beliefs in order to serve the greater
good whatever that is. But it is not possible to preserve
the rule of law or individual liberty if our convictions are no
stronger than this. Otherwise something will replace our republic
that was so carefully designed by the Founders. That something
is not known, but we can be certain it will be less desirable
than what we have.
As for Emerson, he was not even talking about consistency in defending
political views that were deemed worthy and correct. Emerson clearly
explained the consistency he was criticizing. He was most annoyed
by a foolish consistency. He attacked bull-headedness, believing
that intellectuals should be more open-minded and tolerant of
new ideas and discoveries. His attack targeted the flat-earth
society types in the world of ideas. New information, he claimed,
should always lead to reassessment of previous conclusions. To
Emerson, being unwilling to admit an error and consistently defending
a mistaken idea, regardless of facts, was indeed a foolish consistency.
His reference was to a character trait, not sound logical thinking.
Since it’s proven that centralized control over education and
medicine has done nothing to improve them, and instead of reassessing
these programs, more money is thrown into the same centralized
planning, this is much closer to Emerson’s foolish consistency
than defending liberty and private property in a consistent and
forceful manner while strictly obeying the Constitution.
Emerson’s
greatest concern was the consistency of conformity. Nonconformity
and tolerance of others obviously are much more respected in a
free society than in a rigidly planned authoritarian society.
The truth is that Emerson must be misquoted in order to use him
against those who rigidly and consistently defend a free society,
cherish and promote diverse opinions, and encourage nonconformity.
A wise and consistent defense of liberty is more desperately needed
today than any time in our history. Our foolish and inconsistent
policies of the last 100 years have brought us to a critical junction,
with the American way of life at stake. It is the foolish inconsistencies
that we must condemn and abandon. Let me mention a few:
Conservatives
Who Spend: Conservatives for years have preached fiscal restraint
and balanced budgets. Once in charge, they have rationalized huge
spending increases and gigantic growth in the size of government,
while supporting a new-found religion that preaches deficits don’t
matter. According to Paul O’Neill, the Vice President lectured
him that “Reagan proved deficits don’t matter.” Conservatives
who no longer support balanced budgets and less government should
not be called conservatives. Some now are called neo-conservatives.
The conservative label merely deceives the many Americans who
continuously hope the day of fiscal restraint will come. Yet if
this deception is not pointed out, success in curtailing government
growth is impossible. Is it any wonder the national debt is $7
trillion and growing by over $600 billion per year? Even today,
the only expression of concern for the deficit seems to come from
liberals. That ought to tell us something about how far astray
we have gone.
Free Trade
Fraud Neo-mercantilism: Virtually all economists are
for free trade. Even the politicians express such support. However,
many quickly add, “Yes, but it should be fair.” That is, free
trade is fine unless it appears to hurt someone. Then a little
protectionism is warranted, for fairness sake. Others who claim
allegiance to free trade are only too eager to devalue their own
currencies, which harms a different group of citizens like
importers and savers in competitive devaluations in hopes
of gaining a competitive edge. Many so-called free-trade proponents
are champions of international agreements that undermine national
sovereignty and do little more than create an international bureaucracy
to manage tariffs and sanctions. Organizations like NAFTA, WTO,
and the coming FTAA are more likely to benefit the powerful special
interests than to enhance true free trade. Nothing is said, however,
about how a universal commodity monetary standard would facilitate
trade, nor is it mentioned how unilaterally lowering tariffs can
benefit a nation. Even bilateral agreements are ignored when our
trade problems are used as an excuse to promote dangerous internationalism.
Trade as
an issue of personal liberty is totally ignored. But simply put,
one ought to have the right to spend one’s own money any way one
wants. Buying cheap foreign products can have a great economic
benefit for our citizens and serve as an incentive to improve
production here at home. It also puts pressure on us to reassess
the onerous regulations and tax burdens placed on our business
community. Monopoly wages that force wage rates above the market
also are challenged when true free trade is permitted. And this,
of course, is the reason free trade is rejected. Labor likes higher-than-market
wages, and business likes less competition. In the end, consumers
all of us suffer. Ironically, the free traders in
Congress were the most outspoken opponents of drug reimportation,
with a convoluted argument claiming that the free-trade position
should prohibit the reimportation of pharmaceuticals. So much
for a wise consistency!
Following
the Constitution Arbitrarily, Of Course: Following
the Constitution is a convenience shared by both liberals and
conservatives at times. Everyone takes the same oath of
office, and most Members of Congress invoke the Constitution,
at one time or another, to make some legislative point. The fact
that the Constitution is used periodically to embarrass one’s
opponents, when convenient, requires that no one feel embarrassed
by an inconsistent voting record. Believing that any consistency,
not just a foolish one, is a philosophic hobgoblin gives many
Members welcome reassurance. This allows limited-government conservatives
to massively increase the size and scope of government, while
ignoring the deficit. Liberals, who also preach their own form
of limited government in the areas of civil liberties and militarism,
have no problem with a flexible pragmatic approach to all government
expenditures and intrusions. The net result is that the oath of
office to abide by all the constitutional restraints on government
power is rarely followed.
Paper
Money, Inflation, and Economic Pain: Paper money and inflation
have never provided long-term economic growth, nor have they enhanced
freedom. Yet the world, led by the United States, lives with a
financial system awash with fiat currencies and historic debt
as a consequence. No matter how serious the problems that come
from central-bank monetary inflations the depressions and
inflation, unemployment, social chaos, and war the only
answer has been to inflate even more. Except for the Austrian
free-market economists, the consensus is that the Great Depression
was prolonged and exacerbated by the lack of monetary inflation.
This view is held by Alan Greenspan, and reflected in his January
2001 response to the stock market slump and a slower economy
namely a record monetary stimulus and historically low interest
rates. The unwillingness to blame the slumps on the Federal Reserve’s
previous errors, though the evidence is clear, guarantees that
greater problems for the United States and the world economy lie
ahead. Though there is adequate information to understand the
real cause of the business cycle, the truth and proper policy
are not palatable. Closing down the engine of inflation at any
point does cause short-term problems that are politically unacceptable.
But the alternative is worse, in the long term. It is not unlike
a drug addict demanding and getting a fix in order to avoid the
withdrawal symptoms. Not getting rid of the addiction is a deadly
mistake. While resorting to continued monetary stimulus through
credit creation delays the pain and suffering, it inevitably makes
the problems much worse. Debt continues to build in all areas
personal, business, and government. Inflated stock prices
are propped up, waiting for another collapse. Mal-investment and
overcapacity fail to correct. Insolvency proliferates without
liquidation. These same errors have been prolonging the correction
in Japan for 14 years, with billions of dollars of non-performing
loans still on the books. Failure to admit and recognize that
fiat money, mismanaged by central banks, gives us most of our
economic problems, along with a greater likelihood for war, means
we never learn from our mistakes. Our consistent response is to
inflate faster and borrow more, which each downturn requires,
to keep the economy afloat. Talk about a foolish consistency!
It’s time for our leaders to admit the error of their ways, consider
the wise consistency of following the advice of our Founders,
and reject paper money and central bank inflationary policies.
Alcohol
Prohibition For Our Own Protection: Alcohol prohibition
was a foolish consistency engaged in for over a decade, but we
finally woke up to the harm done. In spite of prohibition, drinking
continued. The alcohol being produced in the underground was much
more deadly, and related crime ran rampant. The facts stared us
in the face, and with time, we had the intelligence to repeal
the whole experiment. No matter how logical this reversal of policy
was, it did not prevent us from moving into the area of drug prohibition,
now in the more radical stages, for the past 30 years. No matter
the amount of harm and cost involved, very few in public life
are willing to advise a new approach to drug addiction. Alcoholism
is viewed as a medical problem, but illicit drug addiction is
seen as a heinous crime. Our prisons overflow, with the cost of
enforcement now into the hundreds of billions of dollars, yet
drug use is not reduced. Nevertheless, the politicians are consistent.
They are convinced that a tough stand against usage with very
strict laws and mandatory sentences sometimes life sentences
for non-violent offenses is a popular political stand.
Facts don’t count, and we can’t bend on consistently throwing
the book at any drug offenders. Our prisons are flooded with non-violent
drug users 84% of all federal prisoners but no serious
reassessment is considered. Sadly, the current war on drugs has
done tremendous harm to many patients’ need for legitimate prescribed
pain control. Doctors are very often compromised in their ability
to care for the seriously and terminally ill by overzealous law
enforcement. Throughout most of our history, drugs were legal
and at times were abused. But during that time, there was no history
of the social and legal chaos associated with drug use that we
suffer today. A hundred years ago, a pharmacist openly advertised,
“Heroin clears the complexion, gives buoyancy to the mind, regulates
the stomach and the bowels and is, in fact, a perfect guardian
of health.” Obviously this is overstated as a medical panacea,
but it describes what it was like not to have hysterical busybodies
undermine our Constitution and waste billions of dollars on a
drug war serving no useful purpose. This country needs to wake
up! We should have more confidence in citizens making their own
decisions, and decide once again to repeal federal prohibition,
while permitting regulation by the states alone.
FDA and
Legal Drugs For Our Own Protection: Our laws and attitudes
regarding legal drugs are almost as harmful. The FDA supposedly
exists to protect the consumer and patients. This conclusion is
based on an assumption that consumers are idiots and all physicians
and drug manufacturers are unethical or criminals. It also assumes
that bureaucrats and politicians, motivated by good intentions,
can efficiently bring drugs onto the market in a timely manner
and at reasonable cost. These same naïve dreamers are the ones
who say that in order to protect the people from themselves, we
must prohibit them from being allowed to re-import drugs from
Canada or Mexico at great savings. The FDA virtually guarantees
that new drugs come online slower and cost more money. Small companies
are unable to pay the legal expenses, and don’t get the friendly
treatment that politically connected big drug companies receive.
If a drug seems to offer promise, especially for a life-threatening
disease, why is it not available, with full disclosure, to anyone
who wants to try it? No, our protectors say that no one gets to
use it, or make their own decisions, until the FDA guarantees
that each drug has been proven safe and effective. And believe
me, the FDA is quite capable of making mistakes, even after years
of testing. It seems criminal when cancer patients come to our
congressional offices begging and pleading for a waiver to try
some new drug. We call this a free society! For those who can’t
get a potentially helpful drug but might receive a little comfort
from some marijuana, raised in their own back yard legally in
their home state, the heavy hand of the DEA comes down hard, actually
arresting and imprisoning ill patients. Federal drug laws blatantly
preempt state laws, adding insult to injury.
Few remember
that the first federal laws regulating marijuana were written
as recently as 1938, which means just a few decades ago our country
had much greater respect for individual choices and state regulations
in all health matters. The nanny state is relatively new, but
well entrenched. Sadly, we foolishly and consistently follow the
dictates of prohibition and government control of new medications,
never questioning the wisdom of these laws. The silliness regarding
illegal drugs and prescription drugs was recently demonstrated.
It was determined that a drug used to cause an abortion can be
available over the counter. However, Ephedra used by millions
for various reasons and found in nature was made illegal
as a result of one death after being misused. Individuals no longer
can make their own decisions, at an affordable price, to use Ephedra.
Now it will probably require a prescription and cost many times
more. It can never be known, but weight loss by thousands using
Ephedra may well have saved many lives. But the real issue is
personal choice and responsibility, not the medicinal effect of
these drugs. This reflects our moral standards, not an example
of individual freedom and responsibility.
Foreign
Policy of Interventionism General: Our foreign policy
of interventionism offers the best example of Emerson’s foolish
inconsistency. No matter how unsuccessful our entanglements become,
our leaders rarely question the wisdom of trying to police the
world. Most of the time our failures prompt even greater intervention,
rather than less. Never yielding to the hard cold facts of our
failures, our drive to meddle and nation-build around the world
continues. Complete denial of the recurrent blowback from our
meddling a term our CIA invented prompts us to spend
endlessly while jeopardizing the lives of hundreds of thousands
of people. Refusing even to consider the failure of our own policies
is outrageous. Only in the context of commercial benefits to the
special interests and the military-industrial complex, molded
with patriotic jingoism, can one understand why we pursue such
a foolish policy. Some of these ulterior motives are understandable,
but the fact that average Americans rarely question our commitment
to these dangerous and expensive military operations is disturbing.
The whipped up war propaganda too often overrules the logic that
should prevail. Certainly the wise consistency of following the
Constitution has little appeal. One would think the painful consequences
of our militarism over the last hundred years would have made
us more reluctant to assume the role of world policeman in a world
that hates us more each day.
A strong
case can be made that all the conflicts, starting with the Spanish-American
War up to our current conflict in the Middle East, could have
been avoided. For instance, the foolish entrance into World War
I to satisfy Wilson’s ego led to a disastrous peace at Versailles,
practically guaranteeing World War II. Likewise, our ill-advised
role in the Persian Gulf War I placed us in an ongoing guerilla
war in Iraq and Afghanistan, which may become a worldwide conflict
before it ends. Our foolish antics over the years have prompted
our support for many thugs throughout the 20th Century
Stalin, Samoza, Batista, the Shah of Iran, Noriega, Osama bin
Laden, Saddam Hussein, and many others only to regret it
once the unintended consequences became known. Many of those we
supported turned on us, or our interference generated a much worse
replacement such as the Ayatollah in Iran. If we had consistently
followed the wise advice of our early presidents, we could have
avoided the foreign policy problems we face today. And if we had,
we literally would have prevented hundreds of thousands of needless
deaths over the last century. The odds are slim to none that our
current failure in Afghanistan and Iraq will prompt our administration
to change its policies of intervention. Ignoring the facts and
rigidly sticking to a failed policy a foolish consistency
as our leaders have repeatedly done over the past 100 years,
unfortunately will prevail despite its failure and huge costs.
This hostility toward principled consistency and common sense
allows for gross errors in policy making. Most Americans believed,
and still do, that we went to war against Saddam Hussein because
he threatened us with weapons of mass destruction and his regime
was connected to al Qaeda. The fact that Saddam Hussein not only
did not have weapons of mass destruction, but essentially had
no military force at all, seems to be of little concern to those
who took us to war. It was argued, after our allies refused to
join in our efforts, that a unilateral approach without the United
Nations was proper under our notion of national sovereignty. Yet
resolutions giving the President authority to go to war cited
the United Nations 21 times, forgetting the U.S. Constitution
allows only Congress to declare war. A correct declaration of
war was rejected out of hand. Now with events going badly, the
administration is practically begging the UN to take over the
transition except, of course, for the Iraqi Development
Fund that controls the oil and all the seized financial assets.
The contradictions and distortions surrounding the Iraqi conflict
are too numerous to count. Those who wanted to institutionalize
the doctrine of pre-emptive war were not concerned about the Constitution
or consistency in our foreign policy. And for this, the American
people and world peace will suffer.
Promoting
Democracy An Obsession Whose Time Has Passed: Promoting
democracy is now our nation’s highest ideal. Wilson started it
with his ill-advised drive to foolishly involve us in World War
I. His utopian dream was to make the world safe for democracy.
Instead, his naïveté and arrogance promoted our involvement in
the back-to-back tragedies of World War I and World War II. It’s
hard to imagine the rise of Hitler in World War II without the
Treaty of Versailles. But this has not prevented every president
since Wilson from promoting U.S.-style democracy to the rest of
the world.
Since no
weapons of mass destruction or al Qaeda have been found in Iraq,
the explanation given now for having gone there was to bring democracy
to the Iraqi people. Yet we hear now that the Iraqis are demanding
immediate free elections not controlled by the United States.
But our administration says the Iraqi people are not yet ready
for free elections. The truth is that a national election in Iraq
would bring individuals to power that the administration doesn’t
want. Democratic elections will have to wait.
This makes
the point that our persistence in imposing our will on others
through military force ignores sound thinking, but we never hear
serious discussions about changing our foreign policy of meddling
and empire building, no matter how bad the results. Regardless
of the human and financial costs for all the wars fought over
the past hundred years, few question the principle and legitimacy
of interventionism. Bad results, while only sowing the seeds of
our next conflict, concern few here in Congress. Jingoism, the
dream of empire, and the interests of the military-industrial
complex generate the false patriotism that energizes supporters
of our foreign entanglements. Direct media coverage of the more
than 500 body bags coming back from Iraq is now prohibited by
the administration. Seeing the mangled lives and damaged health
of thousands of other casualties of this war would help the American
people put this war in proper perspective. Almost all war is unnecessary
and rarely worth the cost. Seldom does a good peace result. Since
World War II, we have intervened 35 times in developing countries,
according to the LA Times, without a single successful example
of a stable democracy. Their conclusion: “American engagement
abroad has not led to more freedom or more democracy in countries
where we’ve become involved.” So far, the peace in Iraq
that is, the period following the declared end of hostilities
has set the stage for a civil war in this forlorn Western-created
artificial state. A U.S.-imposed national government unifying
the Kurds, the Sunnis, and the Shiites will never work. Our allies
deserted us in this misadventure. Dumping the responsibility on
the UN, while retaining control of the spoils of war, is a policy
of folly that can result only in more Americans being killed.
This will only fuel the festering wounds of Middle East hatred
toward all Western occupiers. The Halliburton scandals and other
military-industrial connections to the occupation of Iraq will
continue to annoy our allies, and hopefully a growing number of
American taxpayers.
I have a
few suggestions on how to alter our consistently foolish policy
in Iraq. Instead of hiding behind Wilson’s utopianism of making
the world safe for democracy, let’s try a new approach:
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The
internal affairs and the need for nation building in Iraq are
none of our business.
-
Our goal
in international affairs ought to be to promote liberty and
the private-property/free-market order through persuasion
and example, and never by force of arms, clandestine changes,
or preemptive war.
-
We
should give up our obsession with democracy, both for ourselves
and others, since the dictatorship of the majority is just as
destructive to a minority, especially individual liberty, as
a single Saddam Hussein-like tyrant. (Does anyone really believe
the Shiite majority can possibly rule fairly over the Sunnis
and the Kurds?)
-
A
representative republic, loosely held together with autonomy
for each state or province, is the only hope in a situation
like this. But since we have systematically destroyed that form
of government here in the United States, we can’t possibly be
the ones who will impose this system on a foreign and very different
land 6,000 miles away no matter how many bombs we drop
or people we kill. This type of change can come only with a
change in philosophy, and an understanding of the true nature
of liberty. It must be an intellectual adventure, not a military
crusade. If for no other reason, Congress must soon realize
that we no longer can afford to maintain an empire circling
the globe. It’s a Sisyphean task to rebuild the Iraq we helped
to destroy while our financial problems mount here at home.
The American people eventually will rebel and demand that all
job and social programs start at home before we waste billions
more in Iraq, Afghanistan, and many other forlorn lands around
the world.
-
The
Constitution places restraints on Congress and the executive
branch, so as not to wage war casually and without proper declaration.
It provides no authority to spend money or lives to spread our
political message around the world. A strict adherence to the
rule of law and the Constitution would bring an immediate halt
to our ill-advised experiment in assuming the role of world
policeman. We have been told that our effort in Iraq has been
worth the 500-plus lives lost and the thousands wounded. I disagree
with great sadness for the families who have lost so
much, and with so little hope for a good peace I can
only say, I disagree and hope I’m wrong.
Fighting
Terrorism With Big Government A Convenience or Necessity?
Fighting terrorism is a top concern for most Americans. It is
understandable, knowing how vulnerable we now are to an attack
by our enemies. But striking out against the liberties of all
Americans, with the Patriot Act, the FBI, or Guantanamo-type justice
will hardly address the problem. Liberty cannot be enhanced by
undermining liberty! It is never necessary to sacrifice liberty
to preserve it. It’s tempting to sacrifice liberty for safety,
and that is the argument used all too often by the politicians
seeking more power. But even that is not true. History shows that
a strong desire for safety over liberty usually results in less
of both. But that does not mean we should ignore the past attacks
or the threat of future attacks that our enemies might unleash.
First, fighting terrorism is a cliché. Terrorism is a technique
or a process, and if not properly defined, the solutions will
be hard to find. Terrorism is more properly defined as an attack
by a guerrilla warrior who picks the time and place of the attack
because he cannot match the enemy with conventional weapons. With
too broad a definition of terrorism, the temptation will be to
relinquish too much liberty, being fearful that behind every door
and in every suitcase lurks a terrorist-planted bomb. Narrowing
the definition of terrorism and recognizing why some become enemies
is crucial. Understanding how maximum security is achieved in
a free society is vital. We have been told that the terrorists
hate us for our wealth, our freedom, and our goodness. This war
cannot be won if that belief prevails.
When the
definition of terrorism is vague and the enemy pervasive throughout
the world, the neo-conservatives who want to bring about
various regime changes for other reasons conveniently latch
onto these threats and use them as the excuse and justification
for our expanding military presence throughout the Middle East
and the Caspian Sea region. This is something they have been anxious
to do all along. Already, plans are being laid by neo-conservative
leaders to further expand our occupations to many other countries,
from Central America and Africa to Korea. Whether it’s invading
Iraq, threatening North Korea, or bullying Venezuela or even Russia,
it’s now popular to play the terrorist card. Just mention terrorism
and the American people are expected to grovel and allow the war
hawks to do whatever they want to do. This is a very dangerous
attitude. One would think that, with the shortcomings of the Iraqi
occupation becoming more obvious every day, more Americans would
question our flagrant and aggressive policy of empire building.
The American people were frightened into supporting this war because
they were told that Iraq had: “25,000 liters of anthrax; 38,000
liters of botulinum toxin; 500 tons of sarin, mustard, and VX
nerve gas; significant quantities of refined uranium; and special
aluminum tubes used in developing nuclear weapons.” The fact that
none of this huge amount of material was found, and the fact that
David Kay resigned from heading up the inspection team saying
none will be found, doesn’t pacify the instigators of this policy
of folly. They merely look forward to the next regime change as
they eye their list of potential targets. And they argue with
conviction that the 500-plus lives lost were worth it. Attacking
a perceived enemy who had few weapons, who did not aggress against
us, and who never posed a threat to us does nothing to help eliminate
the threat of terrorist attacks. If anything, deposing an Arab
Muslim leader even a bad one incites more hatred
toward us, certainly not less. This is made worse if our justification
for the invasion was in error. It is safe to say that in time
we’ll come to realize that our invasion has made us less safe,
and has served as a grand recruiting tool for the many militant
Muslim groups that want us out of their countries including
the majority of those Muslims in Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, Afghanistan,
and the entire Middle East. Because of the nature of the war in
which we find ourselves, catching Saddam Hussein, or even killing
Osama bin Laden, are almost irrelevant. They may well simply become
martyrs to their cause and incite even greater hatred toward us.
There are
a few things we must understand if we ever expect this war to
end.
First: The
large majority, especially all the militant Muslims, see us as
invaders, occupiers, and crusaders. We have gone a long way from
home and killed a lot of people, and none of them believe it’s
to spread our goodness. Whether or not some supporters of this
policy of intervention are sincere in bringing democracy and justice
to this region, it just doesn’t matter few over there believe
us.
Second: This
war started a long time before 9-11. That attack was just the
most dramatic event of the war so far. The Arabs have fought Western
crusaders for centuries, and they have not yet forgotten the European
Crusades centuries ago. Our involvement has been going on, to
some degree, since World War II, but was dramatically accelerated
in 1991 with the first Persian Gulf invasion along with the collapse
of the Soviet system. Placing U.S. troops on what is considered
Muslim holy land in Saudi Arabia was pouring salt in the wounds
of this already existing hatred. We belatedly realized this and
have removed these troops.
Third: If
these facts are ignored, there’s no chance that the United Statesled
Western occupation of the oil-rich Middle East can succeed (70%
of the world’s oil is in the Persian Gulf and Caspian Sea regions).
Without a better understanding of the history of this region,
it’s not even possible to define the enemy, know why they fight,
or understand the difference between guerilla warrior attacks
and vague sinister forces of terrorism. The pain of recognizing
that the ongoing war is an example of what the CIA calls blowback
and an unintended consequence of our foreign policy is a great
roadblock to ever ending the war.
Judicial
Review: Respect for the original intent of the Constitution
is low in Washington. It’s so low, it’s virtually non-existent.
This causes many foolish inconsistencies in our federal courts.
The Constitution, we have been told, is a living, evolving document
and it’s no longer necessary to change it in the proper fashion.
That method is too slow and cumbersome, it is claimed. While we
amended it to institute alcohol prohibition, the federal drug
prohibition is accomplished by majority vote of the U.S. Congress.
Wars are not declared by Congress, but pursued by Executive Order
to enforce UN Resolutions. The debate of the pros and cons of
the war come afterward usually following the war’s failure
in the political arena, rather than before with the proper
debate on a declaration of war resolution. Laws are routinely
written by un-elected bureaucrats, with themselves becoming the
judicial and enforcement authority. Little desire is expressed
in Congress to alter this monster that creates thousands of pages
each year in the Federal Register. Even the nearly 100,000 bureaucrats
who now carry guns stir little controversy. For decades, Executive
Orders have been arrogantly used to write laws to circumvent a
plodding or disagreeable Congress. This attitude was best described
by a Clinton presidential aide who bragged: “…stroke of the pen,
law of the land, kinda cool!” This is quite a testimonial to the
rule of law and constitutional restraint on government power.
The courts are no better than the executive or legislative branches
in limiting the unconstitutional expansion of the federal monolith.
Members of Congress, including committee chairmen, downplay my
concern that proposed legislation is unconstitutional by insisting
that the courts are the ones to make such weighty decisions, not
mere Members of Congress. This was an informal argument made by
House leadership on the floor during the debate on campaign finance
reform. In essence, they said “We know it’s bad, but we’ll let
the courts clean it up.” And look what happened! The courts did
not save us from ourselves.
Something
must be done, however, if we expect to rein in our ever-growing
and intrusive government. Instead of depending on the courts to
rule favorably, when Congress and the executive branch go astray,
we must curtail the courts when they overstep their authority
by writing laws, rubber-stamping bad legislation, or overruling
state laws. Hopefully in the future we will have a Congress more
cognizant of its responsibility to legislate within the confines
of the Constitution. There is something Congress, by majority
vote, can do to empower the states to deal with their First Amendment
issues. It’s clear that Congress has been instructed to write
no laws regarding freedom of speech, religion, or assembly. This
obviously means that federal courts have no authority to do so
either. Therefore, the remaining option is for Congress to specifically
remove jurisdiction of all First Amendment controversies from
all federal courts, including the Supreme Court. Issues dealing
with prayer, the Ten Commandments, religious symbols or clothing,
and songs, even the issue of abortion, are properly left as a
prerogative of the states. A giant step in this direction could
be achieved with the passage my proposed legislation, the We the
People Act.
Conclusion: Emerson’s real attack was on intellectual conformity
without a willingness to entertain new ideas based on newly acquired
facts. This is what he referred to as the foolish consistency.
The greatest open-minded idea I’m aware of is to know that one
does not know what is best for others, whether it’s in economic,
social, or moral policy, or in the affairs of other nations. Believing
one knows what is best for others represents the greatest example
of a closed mind. Friedrich Hayek referred to this as a pretense
of knowledge. Governments are no more capable of running an economy
made fair for everyone than they are of telling the individual
what is best for their spiritual salvation. There are a thousand
things in between that the busybody politicians, bureaucrats,
and judges believe they know and yet do not. Sadly our citizens
have become dependent on government for nearly everything from
cradle to grave, and look to government for all guidance and security.
Continuously
ignoring Emerson’s advice on self-reliance is indeed a foolish
consistency which most of the politicians now in charge of the
militant nanny state follow. And it’s an armed state, domestic
as well as foreign. Our armies tell the Arab world what’s best
for them, while the armed bureaucrats at home harass our own people
into submission and obedience to every law and regulation, most
of which are incomprehensible to the average citizen. Ask three
IRS agents for an interpretation of the tax code and you will
get three different answers. Ask three experts in the Justice
Department to interpret the anti-trust laws, and you will get
three different answers. First they’ll tell you it’s illegal to
sell too low, then they’ll tell you it’s illegal to sell too high,
and it’s certainly illegal if everybody sold products at the same
price. All three positions can get you into plenty of trouble
and blamed for first, undermining competition, second, for having
too much control and gouging the public, and third, for engaging
in collusion. The people can’t win.
Real knowledge
is to know what one does not know. The only society that recognizes
this fact and understands how productive enterprise is generated
is a free society, unencumbered with false notions of grandeur.
It is this society that generates true tolerance and respect for
others. Self-reliance and creativity blossom in a free society.
This does not mean anarchy, chaos, or libertine behavior. Truly,
only a moral society can adapt to personal liberty. Some basic
rules must be followed and can be enforced by government
most suitably by local and small government entities. Honoring
all voluntary contractual arrangements, social and economic, protection
of all life, and established standards for private property ownership
are the three principles required for a free society to remain
civilized. Depending on the culture, the government could be the
family, the tribe, or some regional or state entity.
The freedom
philosophy is based on the humility that we are not omnipotent,
but also the confidence that true liberty generates the most practical
solution to all our problems, whether they are economic, domestic
security, or national defense. Short of this, any other system
generates authoritarianism that grows with each policy failure
and eventually leads to a national bankruptcy. It was this end,
not our military budget, which brought the Soviets to their knees.
A
system of liberty allows for the individual to be creative, productive,
or spiritual on one’s own terms, and encourages excellence and
virtue. All forms of authoritarianism only exist at the expense
of liberty. Yet the humanitarian do-gooders claim to strive for
these very same goals. To understand the difference is crucial
to the survival of a free society.
Dr. Ron
Paul is a Republican member of Congress from Texas.
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