Madam Speaker,
the truth about whether or not Saddam Hussein sought to buy uranium
from Niger has dominated the news for the past several weeks.
Many of those challenging the administration on this issue are
motivated more by politics than by policy. Some of todays
critics were strongly in favor of going to war against Iraq when
doing so appeared politically popular, but now are chagrined that
the war is not going as smoothly as was hoped.
I am sure
once the alleged attempt to buy uranium is thoroughly debunked,
the other excuses for going to war will be examined with a great
deal of scrutiny as well. It is obvious that the evidence used
to justify going to war is now less than convincing.
The charge
that Saddam Hussein had aluminum tubes used in manufacturing nuclear
weapons was in error.
A fleet of
unmanned aerial vehicles capable of dispensing chemical and biological
weapons did not exist.
The 63,000
liters of anthrax and botulism have not been found, nor have any
of the mobile germ labs. There are no signs of the one million
pounds of sarin, mustard, and VX gasses alleged to exist.
No evidence
has been revealed to indicate Iraq was a threat to the security
of any nation, let alone America.
The charge
that Saddam Hussein was connected to the al Qaeda was wrong. Saddam
Hussein's violations the UN resolutions regarding weapons of mass
destruction remain unproven.
How could
so many errors have occurred? Some say it was incompetence, while
others claim outright deception and lies. Some say it was selective
use of intelligence to promote a particular policy already decided
upon. This debate, I am sure, will rage on for a long time, and
since motivations are subjective and hard to prove, resolving
the controversy will be difficult. However, this should not diminish
the importance of sorting out truth from fiction, errors from
malice.
One question,
though, I hope gets asked: Why should we use intelligence cited
by a foreign government as justification for going to war? One
would think the billions we spend would produce reliable intelligence-gathering
agencies.
Since we
lack a coherent foreign policy, we see support for war from different
groups depending on circumstances unrelated to national defense.
For instance, those who strenuously objected to Kosovo promoted
war in Iraq. And those who objected to Iraq are now anxious to
send troops to Liberia. For some, U.N. permission is important
and necessary. For others, the U.N. is helpful provided it endorses
the war they want.
Only a few
correctly look to the Constitution and to Congress to sort out
the pros and cons of each conflict, and decide whether or not
a declaration of war is warranted.
The sad fact
is that we have lost our way. A legitimate threat to national
security is no longer a litmus test for sending troops hither
and yon, and the American people no longer require Congress to
declare the wars we fight. Hopefully, some day this will change.
The raging
debate over whether or not Saddam Hussein tried to buy uranium,
as important as it is, distracts from the much more important
strategic issue of the proper foreign policy in a republic.
Hopefully,
we will soon seriously consider the foreign policy approach advocated
by our Founding Fathers, a policy of nonintervention in the affairs
of other nations. Avoiding entangling alliances and staying out
of the internal affairs of other nations is the policy most conducive
to peace and prosperity. Policing the world and nation building
are not proper for our constitutional republic.