Congress Stops Short of Extending Authority to Moon (for now)
by
Scott Kauzlarich
by Scott Kauzlarich
Normally,
watching Congress in action makes me feel sick. Watching eight hours
of Congressional hearings on baseball’s steroid policy should have
put me in a hospital. This time, however, there was something really
encouraging. A glimmer of hope for the liberty-minded.
Oh,
there was the usual trampling of the Constitution, the abuse of
power, the gleeful bureaucrats stomping on someone’s rights. The
waving of the bloody shirt, the banality, the intimidation, the
posturing, and of course, a bucket full of lies, distortions, and
half-truths. In other words, Congress was being Congress.
But
halfway through the proceedings, something remarkable happened,
something that made me sit up in my chair. A Congressman actually
hinted that there might be someplace immune from the federal government.
Where, you ask, is this place beyond the reach of Congress?
Why,
the moon, of course.
It
wasn’t a full-blown admission that Congress is limited in any way
by the Constitution or common decency, but it was something to behold
nonetheless. "This isn’t happening on the moon," said
Representative Lantos (D-CA), "so we have oversight responsibility."
Of course you do Mr. Lantos. The Constitution clearly states that
Congress has oversight responsibility for planet earth and all of
its inhabitants.
I
know what some of you are thinking: "Sure, they say they won’t
regulate baseball on the moon, but that’s what they said about ______
(fill in the blank with any human activity). There’s no way they’d
let someone use steroids on the moon." You’re probably right.
Still, it was good to see at least one Congressman confront the
theory of limited government.
And
if they pull the ball away on the Moon, take heart there’s always
Mars.
Guilty
As Charged
I
was dismayed when Congress issued subpoenas to baseball players.
I consider it a clear breach of our rights to be forced to drop
what one is doing and travel to the seat of government at their
bidding. If one man can compel another’s service in this way, we
are hardly living in a free country. What Congress did was to require
involuntary servitude from each person they coerced into appearing.
As
I watched and listened to the hearings I found myself fantasizing
about some of the answers I would have given. I think my opening
statement would have been a recitation of the Declaration of Independence
followed by relevant sections of the Constitution, such as the enumerated
powers and the ninth and tenth amendments. Someone probably would
have interrupted me and asked what I was doing.
"I
was just reading you your rights," I’d say to the committee.
They
eventually asked everyone if they would be okay with the federal
government stepping in to force a tougher steroid policy. I would
have said the following:
"No,
I would not be okay with that. I don’t recognize your right to call
me here. I’ve committed no crime, nor been accused of one. Yet you
treat me exactly as one treats a slave or some other form of property.
I don’t recognize your right to regulate baseball or any other industry
for that matter. I do not believe you have the authority to prohibit
the use of steroids or any other drug. I don’t recognize your right
to grant baseball anti-trust exemption. Come to think of it, I don’t
recognize your right to pass anti-trust legislation of any kind.
Your unconstitutional labor laws and your constant meddling in private
affairs are the primary reason this problem is here in the first
place and if it were up to me, you and the members of this committee
would be impeached for violating your oath to uphold the Constitution."
At
this point I’d probably be led away in handcuffs to await my trial
for contempt of Congress, a charge any sane person would be damn
proud of.
A
National Crisis?
What really is the problem with baseball anyway? When steroid use
by athletes became news in the 80s, baseball wasn’t logically perceived
as a sport that would have problems with the drug. Football was
the first sport to deal with it. Track and field followed after
that. Baseball has only recently seen steroid use, and so far it
has been limited to only one group of players, power-hitters.
Back
in the late 80s and early 90s I worked a sportswriter and steroids
was not on the radar screen as far as baseball was concerned. It’s
no surprise that it took several years for the league to wake up
to what was going on. The commissioner testified Thursday that it
was 1998 when he began to become focused on steroids. That’s about
the time everyone started to think about the topic and it would
be a few more years before the consensus to act grew.
Baseball’s
response, however lacking Congress may feel it is, has been understandable.
Baseball is a business like everything else. If the integrity of
the sport is at risk, baseball owners will do what is necessary
to ensure that the fans leave as satisfied customers. With records
falling that probably should stand, and with new revelations of
steroid use, baseball moved to correct the problem. This hardly
calls for federal action. As it turns out, the government has been
a hindrance, since, as the commissioner of baseball pointed out,
federal labor laws made it impossible to do what they felt was best
for the game.
Left
to its own devices, baseball will almost certainly do what is best
for the sport and what is best for the fans. If not, so what? No
one has an inalienable right to quality big-league baseball. If
Congress wants to help it can repeal all the federal laws that stifle
competition. Upstart leagues should pose an ever-present warning
to baseball to provide the most satisfying entertainment possible.
Leagues would be free to enter or not enter whatever kind of agreements
they like with regard to players, unions, and franchises, be it
on salaries, home-run records, or steroid use.
Congress
Needs A Body Count
Worse
than the manufacturing of a steroid crisis in baseball is the shameful
way Congress used some of the victims of steroid abuse.
Congress
knows it doesn’t have the legal authority to regulate baseball,
so it made sure to dress up in the cloak of moral authority instead.
That is why they brought in the families of teenagers who committed
suicide while using steroids. The sole purpose of those individuals
being at the hearings was to give the appearance of moral legitimacy
to action that goes beyond the boundaries of federal power and common
sense. By constantly reminding everyone that steroids pose a grave
danger to America’s youth, Congress obscured the spectacle of the
government violating our rights.
If
you suspect that Congress is overstating the dangers of steroids,
you’re correct. According to testimony Thursday, only a fraction
of one percent of the population will use steroids illegally. Elite
athletes are a rare bird in this or any society. Even though many
young people want to succeed in athletics, very few will be good
enough at sports to be attracted to steroids for that extra edge.
Ultimately, if kids are using performance-enhancing drugs, it is
the responsibility of their families, coaches, and athletic organizations
to police them, not the Congress of the United States.
In
a proceeding overflowing with low points, using these tragedies
as a human shield for federal misdeeds and Congressional grandstanding
was the lowest blow of all.
March
21, 2005
Scott
Kauzlarich [send
him mail] is professor of Social Science at Ellsworth Community
College in Iowa Falls, IA.
Copyright
© 2005 LewRockwell.com
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