Social Power and the New Opposition
by
James Leroy Wilson
by James Leroy Wilson
At
first glance, it seems disappointing that no one has mounted a right-wing
challenge to George W. Bush for the Republican nomination. His father
got one from Pat Buchanan, and the son has been even worse than
the father. Would it kill him to veto a spending bill or two?
But
upon further reflection, it’s probably good that there isn’t a challenge.
For one thing, there is one and only one credible challenger with
political experience who would have galvanized Libertarians, Constitutionalists,
Confederates, and Christian conservatives. And that is Congressman
Ron Paul, M.D. (R-TX). He’s not running, and that’s fine with me.
It’s his life, and I’m not going to tell him he’s morally obligated
to run any more than he has the right to tell me what I should write
about.
If
he had run, he might have provided some "unity" to the
freedom movement, but at tremendous cost, probably to himself and
to the movement in the long run. A Presidential campaign can be
a useful means of furthering the cause, but on the other hand it
would be easy, in this age of media groupthink, to see us all written
off as racists and extremists.
Even
if there was an even more prominent media celebrity out there who
could represent us, all that would do is create an artificial spark
of enthusiasm. After the publicity dies down, the project would
be written off quickly. The disappointing vote total at the end,
after the strong start in the campaign, would discourage us all
the more. Many will think voting the "lesser of two evils"
is indeed the way to go.
The
good news, however, is that this movement isn’t about electoral
politics, not even Presidential politics. And it isn’t really about
abolishing the government, or restoring the monarchy, or bringing
back the Confederacy although any one of those is preferable to
what we have now. It’s not even about immigration policy. It isn’t
about any one thing.
Yet,
the movement grows. From the so-called fever swamps of the far right,
we are hearing voices of truth, of common sense, of revisionist
history. This is an educational campaign for the future of America.
This is not a political campaign for one leader or one party. This
alliance of libertarians and so-called paleo-conservatives makes
us a diverse lot indeed. But we have one thing in common. We are
the New Opposition. I’m not saying we’re the loyal opposition, like
the minority parties in Canada’s Parliament. We are not a party
seeking power in the next election. This isn’t even about national
borders. This is a bigger deal. This is about civilization.
And
this can’t be narrowed down to a set of beliefs or doctrines. Yet,
thanks to the Internet, most especially LRC, the movement attracts
a wider and wider following. That’s because this is about education.
About values. About liberty. What we are seeking is a cultural transformation
before we can even expect top-down political change.
Because
politicians can’t "fix" our problems. That’s the point.
What
we are seeing is a decline in our civilization. What unites the
New Opposition is the recognition of a basic fact that no Democrat
whatsoever and almost no Republican politician will acknowledge:
that large, intrusive, bureaucratic government is the cause of,
not the solution to, this decline.
The
battle line was drawn in 1935, two years into FDR’s Presidency,
by Albert Jay Nock in the opening paragraph of Our
Enemy, The State:
"If
we look beneath the surface of our public affairs, we can discern
one fundamental fact, namely: a great redistribution of power
between society and the State. This is the fact that interests
the student of civilization. He has only a secondary or derived
interest in matters like price-fixing, wage-fixing, inflation,
political banking, "agricultural adjustment," and similar items
of State policy that fill the pages of newspapers and the mouths
of publicists and politicians. All these can be run up under one
head. They have an immediate and temporary importance, and for
this reason they monopolize public attention, but they all come
to the same thing; which is, an increase of State power and a
corresponding decrease of social power."
State
power vs. social power. This is the struggle. This is what unites
the New Opposition. This is what we are about. We are for social
power.
Social
power is what we find when the State is relatively weak, which it
had been for the most part from the Middle Ages until Bismarck’s
unified Germany. The power of other institutions: the Church, the
family, social clubs, grow stronger by default.
I
understand that such private, freely-managed social institutions
are capable of tremendous guilt-manipulation and abuse. And I recognize
that a radically decentralized State could lead the way to local
tyrants and localized tyranny. This could be anything from censorship
of a racy book to outright government abuse of certain minorities.
Intolerance and tyranny are never good.
But
it’s also true that a centralized Big Government is incapable of
"checking" or "balancing" these abuses. Rather,
its inclination is to encourage them and impose them on a nationwide
scale. When any local dust-up can become a federal case, such as
whether or not liquor can be sold in strip joints or if prayer can
be said in a government school, then the ultimate decision by the
federal authorities can be binding on the entire nation.
This
encourages ambition, the ambition to gain power in Washington. There’s
no filtering process to assure that only the moral and wise will
assume that power the truly moral and wise tend to reject that
power. There aren’t even "checks and balances" in the
federal government. Rather, the Congress, President, and the Supreme
Court agree more or less to cooperate with each other so that each
branch can acquire more and more power for itself without intruding
on another branch. The McCain-Feingold Censorship of Dissent Act,
passed by Congress, signed by the President, and approved by the
Supreme Court, is a case in point. And then they pretend that saying
"under God" in a local school is a serious First Amendment
issue.
The
central government is broken. And it can’t fix itself. A cultural
transformation is required, one in which people are persuaded that
dependency on Washington D.C. is irreconcilable with genuine liberty.
That Social Power free individuals and free markets regulated
by moral restraints that are the outgrowth of home-grown social
institutions is superior to State power. That the power of the
State corrupts us and abuses us far more than decentralized government
and free markets ever could.
And
I think this is what makes us yearn for what once was, whether that
was a gracious emperor like Franz Josef of Austria-Hungary, or the
Confederacy, or pre-New Deal America. Where the spirit of "democracy"
in which one’s freedom and property is subject to politicians, was
less prevalent and the spirit of liberty of social power
renewed Western Civilization.
None
of us, I suspect, really want to go back to some previous age, and
encounter the brutality of nature and the rampant ignorance. The
comforts and knowledge of our modern age have been a blessing and
a legacy of the free market. But what we do want is the renewal
of social power, of letting society evolve on its own terms rather
than on the dictates of the officials of a central State.
Presidential
campaigns come and go. I’m glad that the New Opposition hasn’t distracted
itself with one. Because we don’t want political power, we want
our civilization back.
February
23, 2004
James
Leroy Wilson [send him mail]
lives and works in Chicago and is a columnist for the Partial
Observer.
Copyright
© 2004 LewRockwell.com
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