Excerpts
regarding 'the spirit of party' from
Washington's
Farewell Address 1796
[emphases added]
They [political
parties] serve to organize faction, to give it an artificial
and extraordinary force; to put, in the place of the delegated will
of the nation the will of a party, often a small but artful and
enterprising minority of the community; and, according to the
alternate triumphs of different parties, to make the public administration
the mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of faction,
rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome plans digested
by common counsels and modified by mutual interests.
However combinations
or associations of the above description may now and then answer
popular ends, they are likely, in the course of time and things,
to become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled
men will be enabled to subvert the power of the people and to usurp
for themselves the reins of government, destroying afterwards
the very engines which have lifted them to unjust dominion.
……..
I have already
intimated to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular
reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations.
Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the
most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of
party generally.
This spirit,
unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in
the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different
shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or
repressed; but, in those of the popular form, it is seen in its
greatest rankness, and is truly their worst enemy.
The alternate
domination of one faction over another, sharpened by the spirit
of revenge, natural to party dissension, which in different ages
and countries has perpetrated the most horrid enormities, is itself
a frightful despotism. But this leads at length to a more formal
and permanent despotism. The disorders and miseries which result
gradually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose in
the absolute power of an individual; and sooner or later the
chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more fortunate than
his competitors, turns this disposition to the purposes of his own
elevation, on the ruins of public liberty.
Without looking
forward to an extremity of this kind (which nevertheless ought not
to be entirely out of sight), the common and continual mischiefs
of the spirit of party are sufficient to make it the interest and
duty of a wise people to discourage and restrain it.
It serves always
to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration.
It agitates the community with ill-founded jealousies and false
alarms, kindles the animosity of one part against another, foments
occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign
influence and corruption, which finds a facilitated access to the
government itself through the channels of party passions. Thus the
policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and
will of another.
There is an
opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the
administration of the government and serve to keep alive the spirit
of liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in
governments of a monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence,
if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the
popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit
not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, it is certain
there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose.
And there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be
by force of public opinion, to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not
to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting
into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume.
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