Hegel remarks
somewhere that all great world-historic facts and personages appear,
so to speak, twice. He forgot to add: the first time as tragedy,
the second time as farce.
In modern economic
theory, the tragedy was the tag-team of John Maynard Keynes and
his interpreter, Paul Samuelson. The farce is the tag team of Ben
Bernanke and his interpreter, Paul Krugman Princeton University's
two most famous economists.
Ben Bernanke
is the first classroom economist to be Chairman of the Board of
Governors of the Federal Reserve since the pipe-smoking Arthur Burns.
There
have been no others.
PROFESSOR
BURNS GOES TO WASHINGTON
Burns took
over at the FED in early 1970. He held the position until early
1978. It was under him that Nixon experienced the 1969-70 recession
and then killed the last remains of the 1922 gold exchange standard
on August 15, 1971.
Burns had begun
his years in Washington in early 1953, when he took over as the
third Chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers. In that capacity,
he oversaw the 1953 recession, the first recession since 1937. He
held that position until 1956.
In 1975, he
oversaw Ford's recession.
So, he was
a major adviser in three recessions, a feat unmatched by any other
academic figure. Burns was the president of the National Bureau
of Economic Research from 1957 to 1967. This non-profit research
organization is the agency that officially decides when a recession
began and ended. It got to do this three times when Burns was a
senior economic adviser to the Presidents involved.
Wikipedia describes
his academic career.
The academic
part of Burns's career focused on the measurement of business
cycles, including questions such as the duration of economic expansions,
and what economic variables rise during expansions and fall during
recessions. He often collaborated with Wesley Clair Mitchell and
set the academic tradition continued by the NBER's business cycle
dating committee, which is generally considered authoritative
in dating recessions. Burns's detailed macroeconomic analysis
influenced Milton Friedman and Anna Schwartz's classic work A
Monetary History of the United States, 1867-1960.
It was one
of life's great ironies that Burns went off to Washington in 1953.
He never returned to Columbia full-time until after 1956. This enabled
Murray Rothbard to be awarded his Ph.D. in the spring of 1956. Burns
had blocked him for a decade. Rothbard's Ph.D. dissertation was
published in 1962 by Columbia University Press: The
Panic of 1819.
PROFESSOR
BERNANKE TAKES OVER
Ben Bernanke
took over the FED with great fanfare on February 1, 2006. He even
got his own music video, courtesy of graduate students at the Columbia
Business School (CBS).
It was clear
to me in 2006 what was coming. I had read The 18th Brumaire
carefully when I wrote my
1968 book on Marx. Marx provided the interpretative framework
to understand Bernanke.
The tradition
of all dead generations weighs like a nightmare on the brains
of the living. And just as they seem to be occupied with revolutionizing
themselves and things, creating something that did not exist before,
precisely in such epochs of revolutionary crisis they anxiously
conjure up the spirits of the past to their service, borrowing
from them names, battle slogans, and costumes in order to present
this new scene in world history in time-honored disguise and borrowed
language.
Like Burns,
Bernanke had made his reputation as a lifelong student of the business
cycle specifically, the Great Depression. Burns had influenced
Friedman's book on money, which offered a conclusion: the Great
Depression was caused by the Federal Reserve, which had not inflated
enough. Bernanke took this lesson to heart. In
a revealing 2004 speech, while he was a member of the Board
of Governors, he asked this question:
What caused
the Depression? This question is a difficult one, but answering
it is important if we are to draw the right lessons from the experience
for economic policy. Solving the puzzle of the Depression is also
crucial to the field of economics itself because of the light
the solution would shed on our basic understanding of how the
economy works.
To answer that
question, he could have gone to Rothbard's 1962 book, The Panic
of 1819. He could also have gone to Rothbard's follow-up book,
America's
Great Depression (Princeton: Van Nostrand, 1963). But he
didn't. He went to Friedman's book, published across town by Princeton
University Press that same year.
However,
in 1963, Milton Friedman and Anna J. Schwartz transformed the
debate about the Great Depression. That year saw the publication
of their now-classic book, A Monetary History of the United
States, 1867-1960. The Monetary History, the name by
which the book is instantly recognized by any macroeconomist,
examined in great detail the relationship between changes in the
national money stock whether determined by conscious policy
or by more impersonal forces such as changes in the banking system
and changes in national income and prices. The broader
objective of the book was to understand how monetary forces had
influenced the U.S. economy over a nearly a century. In the process
of pursuing this general objective, however, Friedman and Schwartz
offered important new evidence and arguments about the role of
monetary factors in the Great Depression. In contradiction to
the prevalent view of the time, that money and monetary policy
played at most a purely passive role in the Depression, Friedman
and Schwartz argued that "the [economic] contraction is in
fact a tragic testimonial to the importance of monetary forces"
(Friedman and Schwartz, 1963, p. 300).
To support
their view that monetary forces caused the Great Depression, Friedman
and Schwartz revisited the historical record and identified a
series of errors errors of both commission and omission
made by the Federal Reserve in the late 1920s and early
1930s. According to Friedman and Schwartz, each of these policy
mistakes led to an undesirable tightening of monetary policy,
as reflected in sharp declines in the money supply. Drawing on
their historical evidence about the effects of money on the economy,
Friedman and Schwartz argued that the declines in the money stock
generated by Fed actions or inactions could account
for the drops in prices and output that subsequently occurred.
I had read
America's Great Depression in the summer of 1963. I therefore
recognized in 2006 what Bernanke would soon face: a major recession.
Why? Because of Greenspan's legacy after 2001: the expansion of
the money supply. Bernanke took over in February of 2006. Greenspan
had already tightened money. The Federal Funds rate rose. In late
November, 2005, I wrote that this would soon create a
crisis in the housing market. Bernanke denied that any such
thing was going on.