The Gun in the Room
by
Stefan Molyneux
by Stefan Molyneux
DIGG THIS
"Put
down the gun, then we’ll talk."
One of the
most difficult – and essential – challenges faced by libertarians
is the constant need to point out "the gun in the room."
In political debates, it can be very hard to cut through the endless
windy abstractions that are used to cover up the basic fact that
the government uses guns to force people to do what they do not
want to do, or prevent them from doing what they do want to do.
Listening to non-libertarians, I often wish I had a "euphemism
umbrella" to ward off the continual oily drizzle of words and
phrases designed to obscure the simple reality of state violence.
We hear nonstop nonsense about the "social good," the
"redistribution of income," the "education of children"
and so on – endless attempts to bury the naked barrel of the state
in a mountain of syrupy metaphors.
It is a wearying
but essential task to keep reminding people that the state is nothing
but an agency of violence. When someone talks about "the welfare
state helping the poor," we must point out the gun in the room.
When someone opposes the decriminalization of marijuana, we must
point out the gun in the room. When someone supports the reduction
of taxes, we must point out the gun in the room – even if one bullet
has been taken out.
So much political
language is designed to obscure the simple reality of state violence
that libertarianism sometimes has to sound like a broken record.
We must, however, continue to peel back the euphemisms to reveal
the socially-sanctioned brutality at the root of some of our most
embedded social institutions.
I was recently
involved in a debate with a woman about public schools. Naturally,
she came up with reason after reason as to why public schools were
beneficial, how wonderful they were for underprivileged children,
how essential they were for social stability etc etc. Each of these
points – and many more – could have consumed hour upon hour of back
and forth, and would have required extensive research and complicated
philosophical reasoning. But there was really no need for any of
that – all I had to do was keep saying:
"The
issue is not whether public schools are good or bad, but rather
whether I am allowed to disagree with you without getting shot."
Most political
debates really are that simple. People don’t get into violent
debates about which restaurant is best because the state doesn’t
impose one restaurant on everyone – and shoot those trying to set
up competing restaurants. The truth is that I couldn’t care less
about this woman’s views on education – just as she couldn’t care
less about my views – but we are forced to debate because we are
not allowed to hold opposing views without one of us getting shot.
That was the essence of our debate, and as long as it remained
unacknowledged, we weren’t going to get anywhere.
Here’s another
example. A listener to my "Freedomain
Radio" show posted the following comment on the message
board:
If you say
"Government A doesn’t work," you are really saying that
the way that individuals in that society are interacting
is lacking in some way. There are many threads in this forum that
address the real debate. This thread’s counterarguments all focus
on government vs. free market society. The rules defining a free
market are all agreed upon interactions at some level, just as
a government is. Don’t debate that a government is using guns
to force others, when it’s really individuals with guns, instead show
how the other way will have less guns forcing others or how those
guns could force others in a more beneficial way.
I responded
in this manner:
But – and
I’m sorry if I misunderstand you – government is force, so I’m
not sure how to interpret your paragraph. Let me substitute another
use of force to show my confusion:
"If
you say that rape doesn’t work you are
really saying that the way that individuals in that society are
interacting is lacking in some way. There are many threads in
this forum that address the real debate. This thread’s counterarguments
all focus on rape vs. dating.
The rules defining dating are all agreed upon
interactions at some level, just as rape
is. Don’t debate that a group of rapists is forcing
others, when it’s really individual rapists, instead show
how the other way will have fewer rapists
forcing others or how those rapists could
force others in a more beneficial way."
Do you see
my confusion?
Thanks!
It is a very
helpful sign for the future of society that these euphemisms exist
– in fact, I would not believe in the moral superiority of a stateless
society if these euphemisms did not exist! If, every time
I pointed out to people that their political positions all required
that I get shot or arrested, they just growled: "Sure, I got
no problem with that – in fact, if you keep disagreeing with me
I’m going to shoot you myself!" – then, I would find it very
hard to argue for a stateless society!
In more than
20 years of debating these issues, though, I’ve never met a single
soul who wants to either shoot me himself or have someone else shoot
me. I take enormous solace in this fact, because it explains exactly
why these euphemisms are so essential to the maintenance and increase
of state power.
The reason
that euphemisms are constantly used to obscure "the gun in
the room" is the simple fact that people don’t like violence
very much. Most people will do almost anything to avoid a violent
situation. Even the most bloodthirsty supporter of the Iraq invasion
would have a hard time justifying the proposition that anybody who
opposed the invasion should be shot – because it was to defend
such freedoms that Iraq was supposed to have been invaded in the
first place! But how can I have the right to oppose the invasion
of Iraq if I am forced to pay for it through taxation? Surely that
is a ridiculous contradiction, like arguing that a man has a right
to free speech, and also that he should be arrested for speaking
his mind. If I have the right to oppose the invasion, surely I cannot
be forced to fund it. If I am forced to fund it, then any
right I have to "oppose" it is purely imaginary.
In essence,
then, all libertarian arguments come down to one single, simple
statement:
"Put
down the gun, then we’ll talk."
This is the
core morality of both libertarianism and civilization. Civilized
people do not shoot each other when they disagree – decent people
do not wave guns in each other’s faces and demand submission or
blood. Political leaders know this very well – I would say better
than many libertarians do – and so constantly obscure the violence
of their actions and laws with mealy-mouthed and euphemistic weasel
words. Soldiers aren’t murdered, they "fall." Iraq wasn’t
invaded, but "liberated." Politicians aren’t our political
masters, they are "civil servants," and so on and on.
Although libertarianism
is generally considered a radical doctrine, the primary task of
the libertarian is to continually reinforce the basic reality that
almost everyone already is a libertarian. If we simply keep
asking people if they are willing to shoot others in order to get
their way, we can very quickly convince them that libertarianism
is not an abstract, radical or fringe philosophy, but rather
a simple description of the principles by which they already live
their lives. If you get fired, do you think that you should
hold your manager hostage until he gives you back your job? No?
Then you already hold a libertarian position on unions, tariffs,
and corporate subsidies. If you find your teenage son in your basement
smoking marijuana, would you shoot him? No? Then you already hold
a libertarian position on the drug laws. Should those who oppose
war be shot for their beliefs? No? Then you already hold a libertarian
position with regards to taxation.
Like the scientific
method, libertarianism’s greatest strength is its uncompromising
simplicity. The enforcement of property rights leads to an immensely
complex economy, but the morality of property rights is very simple
– would you shoot a man in order to steal his property? The
same complexity arises from the simple and universal application
of the non-aggression principle. It’s so easy to get lost in the
beguiling complexities and forget to keep enunciating the basic
principles.
So
forget about esoteric details. Forget about the history of the Fed
and the economics of the minimum wage. Just keep pointing out the
gun in the room, over and over, until the world finally starts awake
and drops it in horror and loathing.
November
16, 2006
Stefan
Molyneux [send him mail]
has been an actor, comedian, gold-panner, graduate student, and
software entrepreneur. His first novel, Revolutions
was published in 2004, and he maintains a
blog. Listen to his podcast, which you can get by clicking here
or, you like iTunes better, you can click here.
For more on DROs, please see
my archives. He is host of Freedomain
Radio.
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© 2006 LewRockwell.com
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