Market Anarchism: Are You Guys Crazy, or Just Nuts?
by
Stefan Molyneux
by Stefan Molyneux
After twenty
years as a "small government" libertarian, I have spent
the last 18 months or so strenuously – and unsuccessfully – resisting
the implacable logic of "market anarchy." I started out
thinking it was a rather odd theory, but I have come to appreciate
some of its finer points, and thought it might be interesting to
share them with you. If these approaches are correct, then they
may help you. If they are incorrect, perhaps you can rescue me from
the error of my ways!
"Market
anarchism" is a broad term referring to the theory that voluntary
free market relationships can – and should – replace all existing
coercive state authority. It is derived from taking the principle
of the non-initiation of force to its ultimate conclusion, and accepting
that if using violence is wrong for one person, then it is wrong
for every person. If stealing is wrong for me as a private citizen,
then it is also wrong for everyone – including those in the "government."
Much like the
theory of relativity, the consistent application of this simple
principle can produce rather startling conclusions. If the initiation
of force is wrong, then governments as a whole are immoral institutions.
Since the only moral agent is the individual (governments don’t
"act"), then no individual can claim opposing moral rules
based on a membership in a certain "group." Logically,
a man can’t be subject to one moral rule while sitting at home (thou
shalt not kill), and then be subject to a completely opposite
moral rule when he puts on a uniform. The same is true for property
rights. If all men have property rights, then no man can morally
take the property of another man.
Of course,
most people feel very uncomfortable with the idea that society can
exist without a government. It might be worth understanding the
"market anarchist" responses to typical objections, just
for the sake of clarification.
For instance,
market anarchists are always asked how a stateless society could
deal with violent criminals. We have some excellent answers, of
course, but perhaps the most relevant is this: The vast majority
of evils in this world are not committed by private criminals, but
by governments.
Or, to put
it another way: The greatest danger to human life is not private
vice, but public "virtue."
For instance,
In the 20th century alone, credible estimates for the
numbers of citizens directly murdered by governments stands at 262
million people.
Picture this:
if the average height of each victim was 5’, laid out end-to-end,
the line of corpses would circle the globe 10 times. This number
is 6 times the number killed in all wars in the 20th
century. To this figure we can also add others, such as the number
killed by wars – 38.5 million – as well the 60 million killed by
malaria as a direct result of worldwide governmental bans on DDT.
There are many
other ways in which people get killed by government policies, such
as:
- grinding
poverty due to central planning
- increased
infant mortality
- decreased
life expectancy
- illnesses
resulting from poor public sanitation
- malnutrition
- lack of
access to medical supplies/services
- …and countless
more!
We could add
other crimes as well, such as the endless kidnapping and imprisonment
involved in police states and the "war on drugs." The
US prison population rose from 488,000 in 1985 to 1.3 million in
2001 to 2.2 million today – half of which are non-violent criminals!
One in five US inmates is sexually assaulted. What about the abuse
that occurs in state-run orphanages or homes for the elderly? What
about the conditions on the native reservations throughout North
America? What about the mental and physical abuse that occurs in
state schools? What about the family violence that occurs in regimes
that do not recognize the rights of women or children? What about
the constant infanticide and abortions in China? What about the
endless, endless theft of taxation?
Also, state
crimes are qualitatively different from private crimes. Citizens
can take many steps to reduce the likelihood of being victimized
by private criminals, from installing security systems to hiring
doormen to moving to a better neighborhood. Also, about two-thirds
of murder victims knew their murderers – so just hang with the right
crowd, and your risk drops significantly. About half of the recent
murders in Chicago were directly related to the drug trade, so stay
away from dealing and you’re that much safer!
Contrast that
to government crimes. What can you do to protect yourself against
taxation? Nothing. Everywhere you go, you are taxed. Want to take
up arms against the Gestapo? Good luck. Want to escape senseless
regulations? Pray for a libertarian afterlife.
Of course,
the opposing argument is that criminal violence is like an inverted
bell-curve – lots of state power = lots of violence, but
also no state power = lots of violence. However, statistics
rarely bear that out. For example, In 1900, when the government
was many times smaller, the U.S. homicide rate was estimated at
1 per 100,000. In 2003, FBI statistics put the rate at 5.7 per 100,000.
In general,
within each country, the smaller the government, the lower the violent
crime rate – and so who can definitively say that "no government"
will inevitably produce more crime? It would be like saying:
my health improves when my cancer shrinks, therefore it must
surely worsen if it disappears completely!
If we are truly
concerned with human suffering, we must rank threats rationally.
We must deal with the most life-threatening problems first, and
only then proceed to lesser dangers. What would we think of a ER
doctor who treated a hangnail before dealing with a spurting
artery? Since citizens face far more danger from government officials
than private criminals, is it rational to use our fear of criminals
to shy away from exploring the possibility of a stateless society?
Refusing to consider market anarchism for fear of criminals might
be like refusing to treat a wounded man because he might someday
be hit by a bus.
"Sure,"
you might say, "but I understand that dictatorships kill lots
of people, but just because "too much" state is bad doesn’t
automatically mean that "any" state is equally bad!"
I fully understand
and sympathize with the intellectual appeal of a "small state,"
and would find it very compelling, except for historical trends
and current realities, which show that governments never ever
stay small. Like a cancer, they continually expand. The smallest
state that ever came into being – the American Republic – lasted
less than a century before dissolving into internal wars, state-run
banking, foreign entanglements, ever-escalating taxation and crushing
national debts. For example, the graph below shows US government
spending and taxation as a percentage of GDP since 1929.

Also, the vast
majority of additional monies are not spent on protecting voters
but rather on social programs – or, more simply, bribing voters:

Naturally,
this expansion in coercive authority increasingly displaces private
(voluntary) relationships, just as a cancer displaces healthy cells:

The overall
shortfall in US spending ($47 trillion dollars as of 2004, up $11
trillion in a single year) will inevitably result in either totalitarianism
or bankruptcy (or both!).
There are many
reasons for the inevitable increases in state power and corruption,
but the main point here is that even if we were able to magically
reduce state power to purely Constitutional levels, it would take
less than a generation or two for the self-destructive growth to
begin again.
The government,
as an agency of monopolistic violence, can never be controlled,
because the power disparity between the military and the citizenry
is just too great. Like slavery, the state can neither be reformed
nor "managed," since its very premise – the initiation
of the use of force – is immoral, irrational, impractical and, in
the long run, utterly self-destructive.
In my view,
the libertarian movement is foundering not because we advocate too
much freedom, but rather because we do not advocate enough
freedom. Our moral vision is constantly compromised and undermined
by the violence we advocate for the sake of our "small state"
position. But either violence is right or it is wrong. If it is
right, how can we quibble about the degree of violence used
by the state?
If
it is wrong, how can we approve of even a small state?
I look forward
to your feedback!
June
16, 2006
Stefan
Molyneux [send him mail]
has been an actor, comedian, gold-panner, graduate student, and
software entrepreneur. His first novel, Revolutions
was published in 2004, and he maintains a
blog. Listen to his podcast, which you can get by clicking here
or, you like iTunes better, you can click here.
For more on DROs, please see
my archives. He is host of Freedomain
Radio.
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