Were
the Founding Fathers Secessionist Monsters?
by
Ryan McMaken
Slavery
and secession are for some reason, two concepts which it is difficult
to divorce from each other in American political discourse. Some
Americans simply cannot get past the fact that the states that attempted
secession in the 19th century also happened to be states
that used the admittedly unjust institution of slavery. Although
it was only one part of a multifaceted conflict between Northern
states and Southern states, it was indeed a situation where political
entities with a large slave population attempted to secede from
a political entity with a small slave population. It is curious,
however, that – unlike the Southern independence movement- few people
have a problem looking at the American War for Independence as something
other than a war to preserve slavery. The American war for independence
was also a conflict that involved political entities with high slave
populations seceding from a political entity (Britain) with a small
slave population. Indeed, the British promised freedom to any black
slave who took up arms against the Americans. Many colonials admitted
that preservation of the slave system was a factor in their support
of the Revolution. Slavery would endure in the seceding American
colonies for almost another century.
Does
any of this invalidate the claims of the colonists for independence?
It shouldn’t. Anti-secessionists like Harry Jaffa certainly don’t
think so either. Yet, they refuse to even recognize that the secession
movement of 1775-1783 has any philosophical connections to the secession
movement of 1861-1865. Both were full-blown secession movements
of states or colonies who felt that they were no longer having their
interests represented in the established governmental system. Jaffa,
in his book A
New Birth of Freedom, claims to be defending the principles
of the "founders," but he denies that the Southern secessionists
had the right to employ the very same arguments and political tactics
that the "founders" did.
Jaffa
is obviously stuck on the slavery question, yet there is no evidence
that black Americans were any better represented in civil government
in 1776 than they were in 1865. In spite of the relative sameness
in the condition of black Americans from 1776 to 1865, both in the
North (where slavery was still legal in the late 18th
century) and in the South, Jaffa magically finds some criteria for
supporting secession in 1776, but denouncing it in 1861. Jaffa’s
criteria are totally arbitrary and rests only on the fact that Jaffa
likes the "idea" of the American War for Independence
and simply dislikes the "idea" of Southern Independence.
Perhaps
the difference is that Lincoln liked to talk about equality a lot,
and Jaffa is legendary for his tendency to hold up equality as the
highest American value. He has even gone so far as to suggest that
American constitutional government depends not on a system of distributed
sovereignty with checks and balances, but only on the recognition
by government that all men are equal and have equal rights.1
It all sounds very nice, but it is unlikely that the "founders"
of whom Jaffe purports to be the protector, would agree considering
that everywhere from Jefferson to Adams, the "founders"
had a clear preoccupation with issues of government structure and
local sovereignty.
Jaffa
manages to get past the slavery issue every now and then in order
to discuss secession on its merits only, but the argument he forwards
are inadequate indeed. In a recent article defending Lincoln from
the heresies of Joseph Sobran, Jaffa invokes the idea of the contractual
obligation of Southerners to remain in the Union and even compares
the Southern States’ ratification of the constitution to marriage
vows. Jaffa’s arguments fail in both analogies.
First,
Jaffa claims that since the Southern states entered into a contract
with the Constitution of 1787, they cannot unilaterally break their
obligations to staying in the arrangement. Once again, Jaffa is
obliging the Southerners to different standards than his beloved
"founders." For example, all the 13 original colonies
in North America were created through royal charters that required
the inhabitants to be loyal to the King of England and obey the
laws of the British Parliament. Nowhere did those colonial charters
contain clauses that allowed for secession or for breaking ties
with the British Empire in any way.
Using
Jaffa’s arguments, the colonists acted indefensibly by unilaterally
breaking their contractual obligations to the King of England as
expressed through the colonial charters. Once again, there is no
clear distinction between the behavior of the secessionists of 1776
or 1861. Jaffa concludes that since the US Constitution contains
no provision specifically allowing state secession that they had
no legal right to do so, and since they held slaves, they had no
moral right to do it either. Why the slave holding colonials of
1776 did have a moral right to secede is never discussed.
Also unconsidered is Jefferson’s and Thomas Paine’s arguments for
generational approval of constitutional arrangements. Jaffa believes
that the contract entered into by one generation of Southerners
should be binding on Southerners three generations later.
Jaffa’s
proposal that the South’s ratification was comparable to taking
wedding vows fails to hold up as well. Jaffa disputes the right
of a spouse to unilaterally end a marriage, but unilateral termination
of marriages is quite acceptable when one spouse routinely violates
the rights of the other spouse, and there is no doubt that the South
saw itself in such a violated situation.
In
spite of the arguments illustrating the necessity and moral right
of secession, some may still just throw up their hands and proclaim
that the ends justify the means and slavery was too large an evil
to allow on American soil any more. No modern defender of secession
in this news site or in any other I have read has ever suggested
that slavery was a venerable institution worthy of preservation.
It is an institution clearly incompatible with libertarian values
of human liberty.
The
fact that one society that seeks to sever its ties with another
may allow slavery does in no way negate the fact that secession,
as stated in the Declaration of Independence (a secessionist document
often quoted out-of-context by Lincoln) is a basic right of societies.
The refusal of Jaffa and others to admit that they can identify
no non-arbitrary difference between the secession of the colonists
in 1776 and that of the Southerners in 1861 (even after factoring
in slavery) is an indicator of how far the myth of Lincoln has gone
in distorting the discussion over constitutional government in America.
Notes
- National
Review September 21, 1965.
August
3, 2001
Ryan
McMaken [send him mail]
is a public relations man in Denver, Colorado. You can visit his
Rocky Mountain news site at WesternMercury.com.
Copyright
2001 LewRockwell.com
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McMaken Archives
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