Assaulting
the Ban
by
John R. Lott, Jr.
by John R. Lott, Jr.
With
the first sniper trial of John Muhammad getting started, the one-year
anniversary recalls the horrors and fear. There are also legislative
attempts underway to ensure that it never happens again. Two Democratic
presidential candidates Congressmen Richard Gephardt (D-MO) and
Dennis Kucinich (D-OH) have used the anniversary to introduce legislation
demanding that the federal assault weapons ban be renewed and expanded
before it expires next year. Lawmakers in Maryland are now requesting
that over 40 different guns be added to the list of banned assault
weapons. Legislators in other states are following suit.
In
the gun control debate, labels are often misleading: The "assault
weapon ban" is no different, conjuring up images of machine guns,
a view encouraged by the news media, which typically show machine
guns in their stories on the ban. Yet, the 1994 federal assault
weapon ban had nothing to do with machine guns, only semi-automatics
that fire one bullet per pull of the trigger. Rebuilding semi-automatic
weapons into machine guns is very difficult, as completely different
firing mechanisms are used. It is easier to replace the entire gun
than to re-engineer a semi-automatic gun.
Functionally
the banned guns are the same as other non-banned semi-automatic
guns, firing the exact same bullets with the same rapidity and producing
the exact same damage. The ban arbitrarily outlaws some guns based
upon their name or cosmetic features, such as whether the gun could
have a bayonet attached.
The
media's focus now is on the so-called sniper rifle. Yet, the 223-caliber
Bushmaster rifle used in the sniper killings was neither a sniper
rifle nor an "assault weapon." In fact, it is such a low powered
rifle that in most states it is illegal to use it for even deer
hunting precisely because of its low power, too frequently wounding
and not killing deer.
Why
anyone would think that assault weapon bans would reduce crime is
a mystery. In theory, if so-called "assault weapons" are preferred
by criminals to commit crime but are seldom used by citizens to
stop crime, banning the whole class could reduce crime. But since
most guns are semi-automatic, such a ban would cover most guns.
However, banning a few semi-automatic guns might very well only
change the brand of gun that criminals use.
The
law never had much of an effect. Despite simultaneously praising
the ban as being responsible for the drop in violent crime during
the 1990s, President Clinton, who signed the "assault weapon ban"
into law, complained in 1998 how easy it had been for gun manufacturers
to continue selling the banned guns simply by changing the guns'
names or by making the necessary cosmetic changes.
Ironically,
the banned guns were seldom used in crime to begin with. A 1995
study of the early 1990s by the Clinton administration showed that
fewer than 1% of state and federal inmates carried a "military-type"
semi-automatic guns (a much broader set of guns than those banned
by the law) when they committed a crime. A 1997 survey showed no
reduction in this type of crime gun after the ban.
Only
two studies have been conducted of the federal law's impact on crime,
one of which also examined the state assault weapons laws. One study
was funded by the Clinton administration and examined just the first
year the law was in effect. It concluded that, "the ban's short-term
impact on gun violence has been uncertain."
The
second study is found in my book The
Bias Against Guns. It examines the first four years of the
federal law as well as the different state assault weapon bans.
Even after accounting for law enforcement, demographics, poverty
and other factors that affect crime, the laws did not reduce any
type of violent crime. In fact, overall violent crime actually rose
slightly by 1.5 percent, but the impact was not statistically significant.
The somewhat larger increase in murder rates was significant.
The
data from the five states with assault weapons bans show no overall
benefit, with seemingly random results: violent crime rose in California
and Hawaii, remained unchanged in Massachusetts, and fell Maryland
and New Jersey.
The
only clear result of the bans was to consistently reduce the number
of gun shows by about 25 percent. Features such as bayonets mounts
on guns may not mean much to criminals, but gun collectors sure
seem to like them.
The
purpose of limiting a law to a set period is presumably to test
it, to see if it lives up to its promises. The bans have now been
in effect for almost a decade, without any evidence of any benefits.
Fueled
by false images of machine guns and sniper rifles, the debate next
year is likely to be very emotional. Let's hope that we will look
at what these laws actually do.
November
8, 2003
John
Lott [send him mail], a resident
scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, is the author of the
newly released The
Bias Against Guns, which examines the evidence on multiple
victim killings.
Copyright
© 2003 John Lott
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