New
York City's Gun Folly
by
John R. Lott, Jr.
by John R. Lott, Jr.
After
the shooting at city hall on Wednesday, banning citizens with guns
from public areas seems more necessary than ever. Yet, many other
city halls across the country take a radically different approach.
In two neighboring states, Pennsylvania and Vermont, as well as
states across the nation from Virginia to Washington, concealed
handgun permit holders are allowed to take their guns with them
when they attend city council meetings.
Gun-free
zones may appear like the obvious solution to New Yorkers, but consider
an analogy: Suppose a criminal is stalking you or your family. Would
you feel safe putting a sign in front of your home saying, "This
Home Is a Gun-Free Zone"? Law-abiding citizens might be pleased
by such a sign, but to criminals it is an invitation.
In
1985, just eight states had right-to-carry laws laws that automatically
grant permits for concealed weapons once applicants pass a criminal
background check, pay their fees and (when required) complete a
training class. Today, 35 states do.
Examining
all the multiple-victim public shootings from 1977 to 1999 shows
that, on average, states that adopt right-to-carry laws experience
a 60 percent drop in the rate at which the attacks occur, and a
78 percent drop in the rate at which people are killed or injured
from such attacks.
To
the extent that such attacks still occurred in right-to-carry states,
they overwhelmingly took place in so-called "gun-free zones." Interestingly,
the five shootings that Newsday lists as having occurred in or near
American city halls since 1950 have all taken place in "gun-free
zones."
The
effect of right-to-carry laws is greater on multiple-victim public
shootings than on other crimes, and for a simple reason: Increasing
the probability that someone will be able to protect himself improves
deterrence. Though it may be statistically unlikely that any person
in particular in a crowd is carrying a concealed handgun, the probability
that at least one person is armed is high.
For
these attacks, the most important factor in determining the amount
of harm is the length of time between the start of the attack and
when someone with a gun can stop the attack. The longer the delay,
the more people are harmed. By reducing the number harmed, right-to-carry
laws take away much of the benefit these warped minds think they
are achieving by their attack.
Othniel
Boaz Askew's crime at City Hall is somewhat different in that the
attacker had only one target in mind, but the vast majority of academic
research finds that concealed handguns reduce violent crime generally.
Despite all the national studies that have been done, there is not
a single refereed academic journal publication concluding the opposite.
The experience in states with right-to-carry laws indicates that
permit holders are extremely responsible and extremely law-abiding.
Accidental gun deaths simply have not increased after states adopt
these laws, and permit holders lose their permits for even the most
trivial firearms-related violations at hundredths or thousandths
of a percent.
Police
are important in deterring crime, but they almost always arrive
after the crime has been committed. In this case punishment after
the fact is particularly useless, since Askew, who was apparently
dying from AIDS, is reported to have apparently "made meticulous
preparations for his own death."
Annual
surveys of crime victims in the United States by the Justice Department
show that when confronted by a criminal, people are safest if they
have a gun.
Good
intentions do not necessarily make good laws. What counts is whether
the laws ultimately save lives. The new rules that prohibit lawful
gun-owners from carrying concealed guns at City Hall might actually
wind up costing more lives, rather than saving them.
July
29, 2003
John
Lott [send him mail], a resident
scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, is the author of the
newly released The
Bias Against Guns, which examines the evidence on multiple
victim killings.
Copyright
© 2003 John Lott
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