The Sun Also Risesby
William S. Lind by
William S. Lind
For
the first time since 1942, Japan has resumed the strategic offensive. Since the
beginning of the year, Japan has claimed the island of Takeshima, now occupied
by South Korea; seized control of an area in the South China Sea also claimed
by Beijing; and, most ominously, announced that Tokyo might intervene militarily
to defend Taiwan. Taiwan
was Japanese from 1895 to 1945, a fact that neither the Chinese nor the Taiwanese
have forgotten; if they had to chose, many Taiwanese would rather be governed
from Tokyo than from Beijing. I
do not know what has motivated the Japanese government to resume the strategic
offensive. I do know it is a mistake. Japan’s low-profile, defensive strategy
has served her well for more than half a century. It is exactly the right strategy
for a Fourth Generation 21st century, where survival will depend heavily
on staying off other people’s hit lists. As in the 1930s and early ’40s, Japan
shows an odd sense of timing. The
Takeshima issue offers an example. A divided Korea is very much in Japan’s interest.
By laying claim to what is now Korean territory, Japan brings South and North
Korea together. In fact, North Korea missed an opportunity. Had Pyongyang said
that in the face of any Japanese claims, the armed forces of both Koreas were
one in defending Korean soil, it would have scored a propaganda triumph. While
a united Korea would be no danger to the United States, it would be perhaps the
most dangerous state threat to Japan. Even today, South Korea’s navy and air force
are structured more for a war with Japan than for a conflict with North Korea.
Any war with Japan, including an aggressive one, would be wildly popular with
the Korean people. Asian memories run deep, and Japan’s current military weakness
offers an opportunity that may not last forever (although given Japan’s demographics,
it might). Taking
the offensive against China is an even greater blunder on Tokyo’s part. Here,
the danger is less Chinese aggression than internal Chinese dissolution and the
regional instability that would result. Any humiliation of China by Japan damages
the legitimacy of the Beijing government. A Chinese defeat by Japan and America
in a crisis over Taiwan could well bring that government down. Contrary to neo-con
blather, its likely successor would not be parliamentary democracy but a new "Period
of Warring States" within China, which is to say Fourth Generation war throughout
the most critical part of the Asian landmass. The resulting chaos would not be
good for Japanese interests, especially if nukes started to fly. Putting a few
on Japan would be an easy way for a Chinese contender to establish its patriotic
credentials. Predictably,
the strategically imbecilic Bush administration is supporting Japan’s new offensive
posture. In reality, with its military forces tied down in the Middle East, the
last thing America needs is a new source of crises in East Asia. The mix there
is already volatile enough; adding a Japan on the strategic offensive is the equivalent
of smoking in the powder magazine. American
interests require that both China and Japan follow defensive strategies – as indeed
they require the United States to follow a defensive strategy. China wants to
do exactly that, knowing that time is on her side. Only the Taiwan question is
likely to push here to take the offensive, which means we should let that sleeping
dog lie. As for Tokyo, I suspect the new Japanese offensive would collapse quickly
if Washington quietly signaled its disapproval. Without American support, any
rising of the Japanese sun will quickly prove a mirage made of hot air. All
that is required is a morsel of strategic sense in Washington. Alas, that horizon
remains blank. June
25, 2005
William
Lind [send him mail] is Director
of the Center for Cultural Conservatism at the Free Congress Foundation. The views
expressed in this article are those of Mr. Lind, writing in his personal capacity. Copyright
© 2005 William S. Lind William
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