The Sling And The Stone
by
William S. Lind
by William S. Lind
For
at least a decade, Colonel Tom Hammes has been one of the Marine
Corps’ leading intellectuals. His new book, The
Sling and the Stone, should be read by anyone who has an
interest in Fourth Generation warfare (4GW).
In
some ways, this is two books in one. One book describes Fourth Generation
war and the reforms our military needs in order to fight it, and
here Colonel Hammes is at his best. His distinction between the
first and second intifadas is especially valuable. He writes that
the Palestinians won the first intifada because they were careful
to present themselves as victims of a vastly more powerful Israeli
military. Avoiding the use of weapons other than the stone, and
taking full advantage of the television camera, the Palestinians
"transformed (Israel) from the tiny, brave nation surrounded
by hostile Arab nations to the oppressive state that condoned killing
children in the street." This is the power of weakness which
is central to Fourth Generation war.
In
contrast, in the second (al-Aqsa) intifada, the Palestinians resorted
to violence, including suicide bombers, and gave up the power of
weakness. Hammes writes, "It is almost impossible to overstate
how perfectly Arafat and the radical elements in Palestinian resistance
have supported the Israeli effort. Their suicide bombing campaign
has given Israel complete freedom of action." As is so often
the case in the Fourth Generation, what seems weak is strong and
what seems strong is weak.
Hammes’s
descriptions of the situations in Iraq and Afghanistan are equally
good. So is his analysis of the Pentagon’s faith that future wars
will be decided by high technology. Correctly, he argues that developments
such as the Internet favor our Fourth Generation adversaries, because
they have "flat," cooperative organizations while we are
stuck with industrial-age, bureaucratic hierarchies. In effect,
they are the free market while we represent the centrally-planned
Soviet economy. Finally, Hammes’s proposed reforms, while largely
derivative, are also mostly sound.
The
second book is a book on military theory, and here Hammes is on
less solid ground. He makes a major error early, in that he equates
Fourth Generation war with insurgency. In doing so, he equates the
Fourth Generation with how war is fought. It is usually fought
guerilla-style, but that misses the point: what changes in the Fourth
Generation is who fights and what they fight for.
This error leads to others, such as believing that Fourth Generation
war focuses on the mental level. Hammes writes, "The fourth
generation has arrived. It uses all available networks – political,
economic, social and military – to convince the enemy’s political
decision makers that their strategic goals are either unachievable
or too costly for the perceived benefit." In fact, Fourth Generation
war focuses on the moral level, where it works to convince all parties,
neutrals as well as belligerents, that the cause for which a Fourth
Generation entity is fighting is morally superior. It turns its
state enemies inward against themselves on the moral level, making
the political calculations of the mental level irrelevant.
Hammes
still makes some useful contributions to Fourth Generation theory.
For example, his short discussion of a difficult theoretical problem,
the role of the OODA loop in Fourth Generation war, notes that,
"the focus is no longer on the speed of the decision but on
a correct understanding of the situation. Observation and orientation
become the critical elements of the observation-orientation-decision-action
[OODA] loop." I think the OODA loop’s originator, Colonel John
Boyd, might agree with that.
But
in the end, Colonel Hammes remains trapped in the framework of the
state. He writes that 4GW in itself cannot win a decisive victory:
"The techniques [of 4GW] can only weaken the enemy’s will and
reduce his resources to the point that a conventional military campaign
can defeat him entirely." In fact, Fourth Generation war can
unravel a state opponent so completely that he ceases to exist.
We saw that with the Soviet Union, we are seeing it now with Israel,
and if the United States fails to isolate itself from the Fourth
Generation we may see it here as well.
November
6, 2004
William
Lind [send him mail]
is Director of the Center for Cultural Conservatism at the Free
Congress Foundation. [The views expressed in this article are those
of Mr. Lind, writing in his personal capacity. They do not reflect
the opinions or policy positions of the Free Congress Foundation,
its officers, board or employees.]
Copyright
© 2004 William S. Lind
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