In
the Fox’s Lair
by
William S. Lind
DIGG THIS
One
reason parts of Iraq have quieted down, at least for a while, has
received widespread attention: the Sunni split from al-Qaeda. Al-Qaeda's
own tactics alienated its base, which is usually a fatal political
mistake, and for once we were wise enough not to get in the way
of an enemy who was making a blunder.
But
there has been little comment on an equally important reason for
improved stability in Iraq, Muqtada al-Sadr's stand-down order to
his Mahdi Army militia. Just as it seemed we were headed straight
for a war with the Shiites, they sheered away. We now appear to
be doing the same; at least the papers here no longer report daily
raids and air strikes on Shiite areas. That too suggests we may
have learned something.
But
it does not explain the Mahdi Army's quiescence. I have no secret
agent in the Desert Fox's lair, so I cannot report what Mr. al-Sadr
is thinking. I doubt he is afraid of a confrontation with the U.S.
military. Fighting the Americans is more likely to strengthen than
weaken his hold on his own movement. So what gives?
The
Sunday, November 18 New York Times made passing mention of
a possible clue. It suggested that the Mahdi Army and some other
Shiites have backed away from confronting the U.S. because Iran
asked them to.
If
that is true, it bumps the same question up a level. Why are the
Iranians asking their allies in Iraq to give us a break? I doubt
it is out of charity, or fear, although elements within Iran that
do not want a war with the United States seem to be gaining political
strength.
Here's
a hypothesis. What if the Iranians had determined, rightly or wrongly
(and I suspect rightly), that the Bush administration has already
decided to attack Iran before the end of its term? Two actions would
seem logical on their part. First, try to maneuver the Americans
into the worst possible position on the moral level by denying them
pretexts for an attack. Telling their allied Shiite militias in
Iraq to cool it would be part of that, as would reducing the flow
of Iranian arms to Iraqi insurgents and improving cooperation with
the international community on the nuclear issue. We see evidence
of the latter two actions as well as the first.
Second,
they would tell their allies in Iraq to keep their powder dry. Back
off for now, train, build up stocks of weapons and explosives and
work out plans for what they will do as their part of the Iranian
counter-attack. Counter-attack there will certainly be, on the ground
against our forces in Iraq, in one form or another. In almost all
possible counter-attack scenarios, it would be highly valuable to
Iran if the Mahdi Army and other Shiite militias could cut the Americans'
supply lines running up from Kuwait and slow down their movements
so that they could not mass their widely dispersed forces. In John
Boyd's phrase, it would be a classic Cheng-Chi operation.
Again,
I cannot say this is what lies behind the Mahdi Army's stand-down;
Zeppelin reconnaissance over Iran has been inconclusive. But it
is consistent with three probabilities: that the Bush administration
has decided to bomb Iran, that the Iranians plan in response to
roll up our army in Iraq and that Muqtada al-Sadr and other Iraqi
Shiite leaders coordinate their actions closely with Tehran.
In
past wars, quiet periods at the front have often preceded a "big
push" by one side or both. Such may prove to be the case in Iraq
as well, at least as far as Muqtada al-Sadr and his Mahdi Army are
concerned. If so, in view of the situations in Pakistan, Afghanistan
and Lebanon and the almost certain failure of the Tea Lady's Annapolis
initiative, 2008 may see the Islamic world in flames from the Himalayas
to the Mediterranean. To paraphrase Horace Greeley, buy gold, young
man, buy gold.
November
29, 2007
William
Lind is an analyst based in Washington, DC.
Copyright
© 2007 William S. Lind
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