Blinking
Red Light
by
William S. Lind
DIGG THIS
On
March 23, Iran seized 15 British sailors and Marines in the Shatt-al-Arab,
accusing them of operating in Iranian waters. Normally, this sort
of minor border incident would not be worth much thought. But given
the strength of the war parties both in Washington and in Tehran,
any incident is the equivalent of smoking in the powder magazine.
So what is really going on here?
We
probably will not know the answer to that question until British,
American and Iranian archives are opened many years from now. But
some careful thought may at least point us in the right direction.
The
first possibility is that the whole thing is just what it seems
to be, a border incident. The border between Iranian and Iraqi waters
in the Shatt is vague at best, so both the British and the Iranians
may think themselves in the right in their claims about the British
boarding party's location. Or, one party or both may be attempting
to stake a claim to some of those waters.
The
Middle East being what it is, I suspect there is more to it. But
we should soon know; if it is nothing more than a border dispute,
Iran will accept Britain's promise to be more careful in future
and let Her Majesty's sailors and Marines go.
A
second possibility strikes me as more likely, namely that the Iranians
grabbed some British hostages for a swap. The U.S. is holding five
Iranians it took in a raid in northern Iraq in January. According
to the Sunday Washington Post, "Iranian officials expected
them to be released on the Iranian new year, March 21." Just two
days after that release failed to occur, the Iranians grabbed the
Brits. More, the Iranian forces who seized the British boarding
party were Revolutionary Guard, not Iranian Navy; the Iranians held
by the U.S. are also Revolutionary Guards, from the Guard's elite
Quds Force.
What
could be more Middle Eastern than setting up a trade?
Washington
is saying "no deal," but the decision will likely be made in London,
unless Bush is in a mood to boot Fifi the Poodle, aka Tony Blair,
down the stairs.
A
third question is, could Britain and the U.S. have set the whole
thing up to create an incident justifying a strike on Iran? That
seems unlikely, given that Britain is not keen on war with Iran.
But
what about the reverse? Could Iran have grabbed some British hostages
as a way of pre-empting an American attack planned for April? This
is where things get interesting.
Rumors
have circulated in Washington for months naming April as the likely
time for a U.S. strike on Iran's nuclear facilities. Such rumors
are common in wartime and usually prove wrong. But starting about
two weeks ago, the Russians have pulled out the hundreds of people
they had working on Iran's first nuclear power plant, now nearing
completion. The official Russian explanation was a "contract dispute,"
but if you believe that I have a great bridge up in Brooklyn I'd
love to sell you. If in fact Washington plans to hit Iran in April,
it almost has to have tipped the Russians off so they could get
their people out. Not doing so would have meant lots of dead Russians,
killed by American bombs, with serious consequences in Europe and
the U.N. as well as to American-Russian relations. The Russian pull-out,
if not a direct leak from Moscow to Tehran, would have tipped off
the Iranians. The question for them then would be, how to pre-empt?
Seizing
just 15 British servicemen would hardly seem likely to pre-empt
a major attack. But here is where the eastern way of war differs
from the western. In the indirect, eastern way of war, it is often
considered preferable to go after a strong enemy's weak allies rather
than his main strength. Would the Blair government collapse if,
in response to an American strike on Iran, the heads of those 15
Brits ended up on pikes outside the British Embassy in Tehran? Good
chance of it. That would in turn leave the U.S. totally stripped
of meaningful allies, not only against Iran but also in Iraq. Could
that potential give the White House pause? It could. If an action
by Bush brought down his most loyal ally, Blair, who else would
ever ally with Bush?
Again,
this is all speculative, as it must be without better sources in
Tehran than I possess. But we can look for an indicator. If Tehran
refuses all efforts to resolve the matter, even with a trade of
prisoners, then Iran probably has some continued use for British
hostages. Holding them means paying increasing political costs,
especially in Iran's relationships with Europe, which are important
to the Iranian regime. What is worth enough to pay those costs?
Messing up American plans for an attack.
All
of this, especially the Russians’ pull-out from the Iranian reactor
project, adds up to a blinking red light on the panel that monitors
the risk of another war in the Middle East. With the dispatch of
the aircraft carrier Nimitz to the Persian Gulf, which will
put three carriers on station for a few weeks later in April, the
whole panel should soon light up.
NB:
As a follow-up to last week's column on Operation Anabasis, General
Barry McCaffrey's report on his recent trip to Iraq states that
at division
and brigade level these C3I command posts are not movable. . They
simply are not prepared to effectively fight a war of maneuver.
(For example, against the Syrians or the Iranians.)
We
are overly dependant on Kuwait for logistics.
If Iranian
military action closed the Persian Gulf the US combat force in
Iraq would immediately begin to suffocate logistically.
All
the pieces of a very ugly puzzle are falling into place.
April
4, 2007
William
Lind is an analyst based in Washington, DC.
Copyright
© 2007 William S. Lind
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