The
Washington Dodgers
by
William S. Lind
DIGG THIS
It's
springtime for Congress, and the Washington Dodgers are batting
1.000 in the exhibition season. No, I'm not talking about baseball.
I have just enough interest in sports to know that the Dodgers play
in Los Angeles and Washington's baseball team is the Nationals.
The Dodgers I'm talking about are the Democratic majorities in the
House and the Senate, for whom it is always exhibition season and
dodging means not ending the war in Iraq.
Two
examples show how in this game, no balls count as a home run. The
Washington Post Express reported on March 2 that
Just hours
after floating the idea of cutting $20 billion from President
Bush's $142 billion request for military operations in Iraq and
Afghanistan next year, Senate Budget Committee Chairman Kent Conrad
was overruled by fellow Democrats Thursday.
"It's nothing
that any of us are considering," Senate Majority Leader Harry
Reid, D-Nev, told reporters.
Then,
the lead story in Wednesday's Washington Post begins with
this paragraph:
Senior House
Democrats, seeking to placate members of their party from Republican-leaning
districts, are pushing a plan that would place restrictions on
President Bush's ability to wage the war in Iraq but would allow
him to waive them if he publicly justifies his position.
That's
not pushing a plan, it is pushing on a rope, and the House Democratic
leadership knows it. You can almost hear their giggles as they offer
the anti-war voters who gave them their majority one of Washington's
oldest dodges, "requirements" the Executive Branch can waive if
it wants to.
The
kabuki script currently goes like this. Congressional Democrats
huff and puff about ending the war; the White House and Congressional
Republicans accuse them of "not supporting the troops;" and the
Democrats pretend to be stopped cold, plaintively mewing that "Well,
we all agree we have to support the troops, don't we?"
"Supporting
the troops" is just another dodge. The only way to support the troops
when a war is lost is to end the war and bring them home. Nor is
it a challenge to design legislative language that both ends the
war and supports the troops. All the Democratic majorities in Congress
have to do is condition the funding for the Iraq war with the words,
"No funds may be obligated or expended except for the withdrawal
of all American forces from Iraq, and for such force protection
actions as may be necessary during that withdrawal." If Bush vetoes
the bill, he vetoes continued funding for the war. If he signs the
bill, ignores the legislative language and keeps fighting the war
in the same old way, he sets himself up for impeachment.
What's
not to like?
For
the Democrats, what's not to like is anything that might actually
end the war before the 2008 elections. The Republicans have 21 Senate
seats up in 2008, and if the Iraq war is still going on, they can
count on losing most of them, along with the Presidency and maybe
100 more seats in the House. 2008 could be the new 1932, leaving
the Republican Party a permanent minority for twenty years. From
the standpoint of the Democratic Party's leadership, a few thousand
more dead American troops is a small price to pay for so glowing
a political victory.
Ironically,
the people who should be most desperate to end the war are Congressional
Republicans. Their heads are on the chopping block. But they remain
so paralyzed by the White House that they cannot act even to save
themselves. The March 2 Washington Times reported that
Republicans
in Congress – including most who have defected from President
Bush's plan to send reinforcements to Iraq – have closed ranks
and are prepared to thwart the Democrats' continued efforts to
undermine the war strategy…
All but one
of the seven Senate Republicans that backed the anti-surge resolution
in their chamber say they will not support any funding cuts.
The
likely result of all this Washington dodging is that events on the
ground in Iraq and elsewhere will outrun the political process.
That in turn means a systemic crisis, the abandonment of both parties
by their bases and a possible left-right grass roots alliance against
the corrupt and incompetent center. In that possibility may lie
the nation's best hope.
March
9, 2007
William
Lind is an analyst based in Washington, DC.
Copyright
© 2007 William S. Lind
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Lind Archives
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