Lose
a War, Lose an Election
by
William S. Lind
by William S. Lind
DIGG THIS
Lose
a war, lose an election. What else should anyone expect, especially
when the war is one we never had to fight? Had Spain defeated us
in ’98, does anyone think T.R. would have been elected in 1900?
A logical corollary is, lose two wars, lose two elections. With
the war in Afghanistan following that in Iraq down the tube, 2008
may not be a Republican year.
Even
better, by 2008 the American people may have figured out that the
two parties are really one party, neither wing of which knows or
much cares what it is doing. The vehicle for this realization may
once again be the war in Iraq. The next two years, rather than seeing
us extricate ourselves from the Iraqi swamp, are likely to witness
us floundering ever deeper into it.
The
lesson of last week’s election, in which the Republicans lost both
Houses of Congress, will not be lost on either party. Both Republican
and Democratic Senators and Congressmen will now agree that the
war is a disaster we need to extricate ourselves from. The White
House won’t admit it, but it has to see the situation the same way.
George Bush and Dick Cheney may not, but Bush’s brain, Karl Rove,
certainly does. The puppet must, in the end, obey the puppeteer.
What,
then, will keep us in Iraq? While both parties want to get out,
neither has nor will be able to create a consensus on how to get
out. Not only will they be unable to generate a consensus between
the parties, or between the Executive branch and the Congress, they
will not be able to find consensus within either party on how the
withdrawal is to be managed. The result will be paralysis and a
continuation of the war.
Part
of the reason Washington will not be able to agree on a plan for
coming home from Iraq is political. Neither party wants to enable
the other to blame it in 2008 for "losing Iraq." The Democrats
are especially fearful of anything that would seem to make them
look "weak on defense."
But
a greater part of the reason for fateful indecision will be the
very real fact that there are no good options. If we stay in Iraq,
the civil war there will intensify, with American troops caught
in the middle. Already, all those troops are doing is serving in
Operation Provide Targets, with casualty rates that continue to
rise.
But
if we withdraw, the civil war will intensify all the more rapidly.
Unless that civil war is won by someone, someone who can re-create
an Iraqi state, Iraq will become a stateless region of permanent
chaos, a generator and supplier of the non-state Islamic forces
who are our real enemy. That may also happen if the wrong elements
win the civil war, extremist Shiites allied with Iran or extremist
Sunnis with strong al Qaeda sympathies. The factions who might create
a government we could live with are either Baathist or connected
with the current Iraqi government, neither of which is likely to
come out on top. Eggs, once broken, are hard to unscramble.
In
the absence of any good options, politicians of both parties in
Washington, not wanting to hold the bag for the inevitable failure,
will be able to agree only on a series of half-measures. We will
train still more Iraqi troops or police, ignoring that both are
mostly militiamen for one or another faction. We will pull our troops
back into remote bases, where most already stay, remaining in Iraq
while the civil war boils up around us. We will try to get the regional
powers to help us out, despite the fact that those who would can’t
and those who can have no reason to do so. We will steam in circles,
scream and shout, hoping desperately for a deus ex machina rescue
that is unlikely to appear.
In
a reality neither Republicans nor Democrats will dare face, we have
only one option left in Iraq. That option is to admit failure and
withdraw. We can do it sooner, or, at the cost of more American
dead and wounded, we can do it later. Obviously, sooner is better,
but that would require a bold decision, which no one in Washington
is willing to make.
In
World War I, after the failure of the Schlieffen Plan, my reporting
senior, Kaiser Wilhelm II, wanted an early, compromise peace. Regrettably,
he was unwilling to force that policy on his recalcitrant generals.
Today,
in Washington, the generals want peace. They could give the politicians
of both parties and both relevant branches of government the cover
they need to make peace, by going public in favor of an early withdrawal.
Unfortunately, that would require a level of moral courage not notably
evident in the senior American military. In its absence, the whole
American political system will continue to flounder in a sea of
half-measures, American troops will continue to die in a lost war,
and the crisis of legitimacy of the American state will continue
to grow.
November
14, 2006
William
Lind [send him mail]
is an analyst based in Washington, DC.
Copyright
© 2006 William S. Lind
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