Try Putting Us in Their Place
by
Robert Higgs
by Robert Higgs
The news from
Iraq is always mixed, or so we are told. Even the most obtuse of
news readers cannot avoid learning something about the deaths, destruction,
and general mayhem that take place there daily, especially in the
Sunni-dominated region, where sectarian fighting and resistance
to the U.S. occupation occur most frequently and most violently.
Yet, no
matter how hopeless the situation in Iraq may seem, we can always
count on U.S. government officials and their supporters to "put
everything into perspective." Just consider all the schools repaired,
the clinics reopened, the soccer balls given to children, they declare,
buttressing their assessments with copious data on such alleged
"good news." The fighting, they assure us, is not general; it is
overwhelmingly confined to a relatively small number of unsavory
individuals "dead-enders, foreign terrorists and criminal
gangs," as Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld portrays them.
Which view
should we credit? One way to put events in Iraq into perspective
is to reexpress them relative to some other context, to "standardize"
them, as statisticians call this procedure. As an effort in this
direction, I offer here an amended version of a July 15, 2006, report
by Reuters. This version allows Americans to judge the nature and
magnitude of various events in Iraq by placing them in the context
of familiar persons, places, organizations, and magnitudes in their
own country. Besides changing the names of persons, places, and
organizations to suit the recontextualization, I have changed the
numbers to reflect the fact that the U.S. population is approximately
twelve times greater than the Iraqi population. My changes appear
in bold font.
Gunmen Kidnap
600 in Washington, D.C.
Washington
(Reuters) – Gunmen kidnapped hundreds of American
sports officials, including the head of the national Olympic committee,
as they met in Washington, D.C., on Saturday, just hours
after Congress voted to extend a state of emergency.
The attack
came despite a continued crackdown by U.S. security forces
in Washington. Protestant president George W. Bush's government
is struggling to get a grip on worsening violence in the capital,
particularly communal bloodshed.
Police and
U.S. Northern Command sources said the gunmen, wearing green
camouflage Army uniforms, stormed a meeting hall in central
Washington, at about 2 p.m. (1700 GMT) and killed
a dozen bodyguards of Olympic Committee chief Peter
Ueberroth.
Ueberroth
and about 240 bodyguards, along with at least ninety-six
committee officials and the hall's guards, were then bundled into
a convoy of vehicles and driven off, police sources said.
Police said
the bodies of another dozen bodyguards were
later found dumped in the Georgetown district, not far
from the meeting hall. Each of them had been shot in the
head. The hall's security guards were later found unharmed.
"Gunmen wearing
U.S. Army uniforms took everyone who was inside the hall,"
shopowner James Smith, who said he witnessed the mass abduction,
told Reuters.
The United
States' Olympic Committee was dominated by George H. W. Bush's
son Jeb until the Iraqi invasion of 2003.
STATE OF
EMERGENCY
News of the
kidnapping broke as Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld was
addressing a news conference. He said it had not been an Army
operation and that none of those taken were wanted in any investigations.
Earlier, Congress
voted for the first time on extending a state of emergency across
the United States, except the largely autonomous northern
Lutheran region, for a further 30 days. The motion was passed
by a two-thirds majority with no debate.
Previously
the president was able to extend the state of emergency,
in force since 2004 to tackle a Catholic insurgency against
the Iraqi-backed government and Iraqi forces, but
under a new constitution such a move now requires Congress's
approval.
Iraq's envoy
to the United States said this week the biggest threat to
U.S. stability was sectarian strife between the country's
majority Protestants, oppressed under President John F.
Kennedy but now politically empowered, and the once-dominant
minority Catholics.
Hundreds
have been killed in tit-for-tat violence over the past week
in Washington. In violence overnight, gunmen armed with rocket-propelled
grenades and machine guns battled residents in the largely Protestant
neighborhood of Chevy Chase, police said, adding that twenty-four
people were killed and eighty-four wounded in the fighting.
Senator
Norm Coleman, a representative of the semi-autonomous
Lutheran region, said in a statement late on Friday that
the United States was "in danger of slipping into hateful
sectarian strife." He blamed Clinton loyalists for trying
to plunge the country into civil war.
The Iraqi
military commander in the United States, General Ahmed
Mohammed, this week blamed Opus Dei in America militants
for fuelling a cycle of violence in Washington with attacks
on Protestants that have triggered reprisal killings by "Protestant
death squads."
The violence
has undermined confidence in the new national unity government
of Catholics, Lutherans, and evangelical Protestants and
raised questions about the effectiveness of the new U.S. army
being built up to allow Iraqi forces to begin withdrawing
troops.
President
Bush has vowed to disband the militias that now control many
of America's streets and analysts say pose the biggest threat
to the present administration. But he faces a difficult task
since the most powerful are tied to parties within his own administration.
Suppose you
had found the preceding article in your newspaper this morning.
What would you have thought? Would you have said, well, those events
are certainly unfortunate, but that trouble is only one side of
the story of what's happening in America today? Or would you have
felt certain that the country had gone completely to hell? Suppose
further that this story had been only one of hundreds of similar
stories reported during the past four years. Would you have comforted
yourself by saying, well, democracy is not going to be built in
a day in this country, given its corrupt and tyrannical past? Or
would you have concluded instead that the Iraqi scheme to transform
the United States into a peaceful liberal democracy had obviously
failed miserably and that, given the circumstances and the course
of recent events, it had no chance of future success whatsoever?
My template
for the preceding exercise is the following article:
Gunmen
kidnap 50 in Baghdad
Sat Jul 15, 2006 9:40 AM ET
By Ahmed Rasheed
and Ross Colvin
BAGHDAD (Reuters)
– Gunmen kidnapped dozens of Iraqi sports officials, including the
head of the national Olympic committee, as they met in Baghdad on
Saturday, just hours after parliament voted to extend a state of
emergency.
The attack
came despite a continued crackdown by Iraqi security forces in Baghdad.
Shi'ite Prime Minister Nuri al- Maliki's government is struggling
to get a grip on worsening violence in the capital, particularly
communal bloodshed.
Police and
Interior Ministry sources said the gunmen, wearing blue camouflage
Interior Ministry uniforms, stormed a meeting hall in central Baghdad,
at about 2 p.m. (1100 GMT) and killed a bodyguard of Olympic Committee
chief Ahmed al-Hadjiya.
Hadjiya and
about 20 bodyguards, along with at least eight committee officials
and the hall's guards, were then bundled into a convoy of vehicles
and driven off, police sources said.
Police said
the body of second bodyguard was later found dumped in Street 52
in central Karrada district, not far from the meeting hall. He had
been shot in the head. The hall's security guards were later found
unharmed.
"Gunmen wearing
Iraqi security force uniforms took everyone who was inside the hall,"
shopowner Khaled Muhammed, who said he witnessed the mass abduction,
told Reuters.
Iraq's Olympic
Committee was dominated by Saddam Hussein's son Uday until the U.S.
invasion of 2003.
STATE OF
EMERGENCY
News of the
kidnapping broke as Interior Minister Jawad al-Bolani was addressing
a news conference. He said it had not been an Interior Ministry
operation and that none of those taken were wanted in any investigations.
Earlier, Iraq's
parliament voted for the first time on extending a state of emergency
across Iraq, except the largely autonomous northern Kurdish region,
for a further 30 days. The motion was passed by a two-thirds majority
with no debate.
Previously
the prime minister was able to extend the state of emergency, in
force since 2004 to tackle a Sunni insurgency against the U.S.-backed
government and U.S. forces, but under a new constitution such a
move now requires parliament's approval.
America's envoy
to Iraq said this week the biggest threat to Iraq's stability was
sectarian strife between the country's majority Shi'ites, oppressed
under Saddam but now politically empowered, and the once-dominant
minority Sunnis.
Scores have
been killed in tit-for-tat violence over the past week in Baghdad.
In violence overnight, gunmen armed with rocket-propelled grenades
and machine guns battled residents in the largely Sunni neighborhood
of Fadhil, police said, adding that two people were killed and seven
wounded in the fighting.
President Jalal
Talabani, a Kurd, said in a statement late on Friday that Iraq was
"in danger of slipping into hateful sectarian strife". He blamed
Saddam loyalists for trying to plunge the country into civil war.
The
U.S. military commander in Iraq, General George Casey, this week
blamed al Qaeda in Iraq militants for fuelling a cycle of violence
in Baghdad with attacks on Shi'ites that have triggered reprisal
killings by "Shi'ite death squads".
The violence
has undermined confidence in Maliki's new national unity government
of Kurds, Shi'ites and Sunnis and raised questions about the effectiveness
of the new Iraqi army being built up to allow U.S. forces to begin
withdrawing troops.
Maliki
has vowed to disband the militias that now control many of Iraq's
streets and analysts say pose the biggest threat to his administration.
But he faces a difficult task since the most powerful are tied to
parties within his own administration.
(Additional
reporting by Mariam Karouny, Reuters Television)
July
17, 2006
Robert
Higgs [send him mail] is
senior fellow in political economy at the Independent
Institute and editor of The
Independent Review. His most recent book is Depression,
War, and Cold War: Studies in Political Economy. He is also
the author of Resurgence
of the Warfare State: The Crisis Since 9/11 and Against
Leviathan.
Copyright
© 2006 LewRockwell.com
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