Momentous Trifles
by
Paul Hein
by Paul Hein
DIGG THIS
I haven’t conducted
a survey, but I think that if I were to ask people if they believed
there was some sort of significant difference between Republicans
and Democrats, many, if not most of them, would answer "Yes."
In a sense,
they’re right. The ultimate political difference is: We’re out;
they’re in. Or vice versa. Getting into office and staying there
is the ultimate political question before which all others fade
into insignificance.
But once elected,
what are the differences? Well, there are the stereotypes: the Republicans
favor big business; the Democrats, labor. The Republicans frown
on abortion; the Democrats think it utterly acceptable. The Democrats
never hesitate to raise the minimum wage; the Republicans express
misgivings.
But note: the
Republicans may not want to raise the minimum wage as fast or as
high as the Democrats, but they do raise it. No Republican, to my
knowledge (Ron Paul being an exception) ever suggests doing away
with it altogether. Similarly, in other areas of "disagreement,"
the question is never whether to do away with a certain big-government
program or not, but only how much to reduce the increase in its
budget, or some other minor modification.
This quibbling
is important; it sustains the illusion of a difference between the
parties, which, in turn, encourages voting. And voting is the measure
by which the people’s belief in government, and its inevitability
and necessity, is gauged.
But the real
proof of the essential identity of the two parties is shown in the
issues that most seriously challenge the powers currently in office.
The current
flap involves the government firing of eight federal prosecutors.
This is a matter of such substantial insignificance that it can
safely be raised by the Democrats against the Republicans without
risking the possibility of anything of substance coming to light.
Federal prosecutors
serve at the pleasure of the administration. To my knowledge, no
one has alleged that the firing of the prosecutors was unlawful.
Rather, it is charged that their firings were politically motivated:
some of them were investigating possible improprieties by Republicans.
Gosh – politics in government! Could it be? When the attorneys were
hired originally, do you suppose it could have been because the
administration considered their political philosophy congruent with
its own? Why would a "conservative" president take on
more than a few token "liberal" federal prosecutors? And
why would he retain those who appeared hostile to his policies?
Those who express surprise or outrage that the administration would
fire prosecutors for political reasons are at least as disingenuous
as the president himself. Fired for political reasons? Of course!
Everybody knows it, and were it not an election year, with political
gain to be reaped by the show of outraged indignation, it would
hardly merit a mention in the evening news.
Or consider
the other administration-threatening affair: Watergate. A trivial
bungled burglary, for no good reason, since it appeared that Nixon
would carry the day anyway. Plus, tape recordings of President Nixon
– admittedly a shrewd man – conspiring with his colleagues about
the break-in! I’ve never understood why a person as smart as Nixon
would make recordings of himself planning a crime – albeit a rather
minor one. Nonetheless, this silly affair was blown into such importance
that it drove Nixon out of the White House.
The Republicans
had their chance with Clinton’s sexual pecadillos, but failed to
oust the President. They succeeded in demonstrating his appalling
moral character, but that was pretty well known before.
Now if you
really wanted to hound a president from office, you could find serious
and weighty things to support your attack. President Bush, for example,
has committed so many crimes during his term in office (warrantless
spying, torture of prisoners, for examples) that, by any rational
standard, he could be impeached and convicted several times over.
But who could accuse him? Whose hands are clean enough to cast the
first stone?
When he wasn’t
making a record of himself plotting a robbery, Nixon gave us such
monstrosities as the EPA, and affirmative action. These unconstitutional
acts provided plenty of grounds for impeachment, but, again, who
would bring the charge? His political enemies, who also supported
such programs?
Political divisions
are real, all right, but as mentioned above, they do not involve
any principles save: get power and keep it, and involve your cronies
in the resulting plunder and loot. When we see a serious threat
to presidential power, as, we’re told, is now happening re the firing
of the prosecutors, we can be sure that the matter is trivial.
Any challenge
to government action based upon fundamental principles is not going
to happen, because it would reveal the antagonists as essentially
the same. It’s like voting for the candidate who is the lesser of
two evils. If you wait for a candidate who isn’t evil at all, it’ll
be a long wait! And it’ll be an even longer wait before one party
challenges the policies of the other on anything but trivial grounds.
Both parties live in glass houses.
March
31, 2007
Dr.
Hein [send
him mail] is a retired ophthalmologist in St. Louis,
and the author of All
Work & No Pay.
Copyright
© 2007 LewRockwell.com
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