The
Failed War on Terrorism
by
Anthony Gregory
by Anthony Gregory
The
savage attack in London, for which al Qaeda has reportedly
taken credit, is just one more indication that the War on Terrorism
is not working.
Just
recently, the Bush
administration cancelled the publication of the annual "Patterns
of Global Terrorism" report, which would have embarrassingly
revealed that major terrorist attacks worldwide increased from 175
in 2003 to 625 in 2004. The War Party has been arguing for almost
four years that the Bush administration’s War on Terrorism has reduced
the number of terrorist attacks throughout the globe, but all data
seem to demonstrate an increase.
The
most loyal Terror Warriors weren’t even shaken by the
leaked Rumsfeld memo of October 2003, which candidly and simply
conceded the most basic limitations inherent in the U.S. government’s
bureaucratic central-planning approach to wiping out global terrorism:
Today, we
lack metrics to know if we are winning or losing the global war
on terror. Are we capturing, killing or deterring and dissuading
more terrorists every day than the madrassas and the radical clerics
are recruiting, training and deploying against us?
Does the
US need to fashion a broad, integrated plan to stop the next generation
of terrorists? The US is putting relatively little effort into
a long-range plan, but we are putting a great deal of effort into
trying to stop terrorists. The cost-benefit ratio is against us!
Our cost is billions against the terrorists' costs of millions.
This
all made perfect sense, and was refreshing to see coming from the
Secretary of Defense. Terrorism is a tactic, "a form of action
available to virtually any determined adult anywhere anytime,"
as Robert
Higgs once wrote. For this reason, a "War on terrorism…
can be only a figure of speech." And it can only be a failure.
Short of wiping out the human race, all the nuclear bombs in the
world and preemptive strikes until the end of time cannot prevent
what happened in London. Only by looking at the Western policies
in the Middle East to which this fundamentalist violence is a response
do we have a chance of isolating our countries from such hostility.
Many
have warned that the War on Terrorism, and especially the Iraq war,
would only augment the threat of international terrorism, serving
as just the example of genuine grievances that such maniacs as bin
Laden need to gain followers and garner support in dollars and lives.
Some Middle Easterners certainly hate Americans and Westerners for
no reason other than our cultural identity. But they become folk
heroes only when the Osamas of the world have such incidents of
imperialism as Shock and Awe to point to.
The
horrific atrocity in London is simply the latest and most pronounced
incident of the terrorism incited by the War on Terror, at least
since the attack in Madrid. When the Spanish were attacked, they
did the wise thing. They pulled out of Iraq, on schedule, and
distanced themselves from the belligerent U.S. foreign policy of
perpetual war for its own sake. They
did not shy away from the principle of justice for actual terrorists,
only from a policy of cyclical violence guaranteed to make matters
worse.
How
horrible it is that innocent Britons would pay for the crimes of
their own government and the U.S. government of which London is
one of the most loyal satellites. The victims were not responsible
for what their government had done, but thanks to the unfortunate
realities of partisan democratic politics, the hawkish Blair was
reelected and the English State has continued to side with the U.S.
State in its terrible foreign misadventures.
And
yet, like clockwork, we can expect calls for redoubling the efforts
to solve Islamic terror with State terror, to vanquish this fanatic
violence with well-calculated and engineered violence of our own.
As far as the warmongers are concerned, any apparent decline in
terrorism is a great reason to continue the war, the only better
reason being if the war is utterly failing to reduce terrorism at
all.
We
will likely also hear another argument riddled with bloody paradoxes.
In the midst of this bloodshed we will hear about the tragic loss
of innocent life and the preciousness of every victim of the attack.
But if Britain considers pulling out, as Spain did, we will likely
hear that such loss of life is the price "we" must all
pay to maintain international order and ensure the progress of the
civilizing forces of the Global War on Terror. The British will
be accused of being wimps, as were the Spanish when they decided
that the hopeless project in the Middle East was not worth any more
Spanish blood – and as were the French and Germans when they decided
from the beginning that they had had enough war in the past and
did not need any more unnecessary militarism just to please a hyper-powerful
bloodthirsty Uncle Sam. And so the attack described today as being
beyond the sensibilities of all civilized people, and thus warranting
an amplified campaign of Anglo-American aggression against Arabs
and Muslims, may tomorrow be shrugged off nonchalantly as the price
great Empires must pay in the blood of "their" subjects
for the benefit of leading the world to a Brave New future.
These
words are not unpatriotic in any real sense, nor do I mean the least
bit to slight those whose loved ones were murdered in Britain. Like
the thousands of innocents who died in New York on September 11,
2001, the nearly two hundred who died in Madrid on March 11, 2004,
and the tens of thousands who have died in Iraq and Afghanistan
since even before the official War on Terror began, they were all
victims of aggression, mass violence and insanity. It is never right
to attack innocent people for the crimes of a guilty few. Never.
Nor does it ever bring about the end of violence always promised
of it. This truth applies to the War on Terrorism just as it applies
to the terrorist attacks conducted by Muslim extremists, for there
is no moral or practical reason to support either type of violence.
The cycle of bloodshed will only continue now, but it is largely
up to the British people whether or not the role of their own government
in the cycle will be greater or lesser than it has been.
The
real triumph of civilization is the extent to which coercion is
banished from human relations. Brute force is not our salvation,
especially as directed by State central planning and done so with
little regard for the innocents who inevitably die in warfare. Such
violence did nothing to save the innocents who died in London, nor
can it do anything to bring those people back or solve the underlying
problem.
July
8, 2005
Anthony
Gregory [send him mail]
is a writer and musician who lives in Berkeley, California. He is
a research analyst at the Independent
Institute. See
his webpage for more
articles and personal information.
Copyright
© 2005 LewRockwell.com
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