Life, Liberty and the Pursuit of World War
by
Anthony Gregory
by Anthony Gregory
George
W. Bush is the liberventionists' dream president, minus, perhaps,
some differences on a few domestic issues. But he talks the privatization
and tax-cut talk (even as he walks the corporate-social-democratic
welfare-state walk) and he is fond of waging war in the name of
freedom. War in the name of freedom is the most valued policy in
the agenda of the pro-war libertarian. War in the name of freedom
inspires the liberventionist to tolerate virtually anything else
the government does at home. And yet, war in the name of freedom
has been the largest cause of America's decline in liberty, as well
as safety, in all its history, or at least since the War Between
the States.
Bush's
inauguration address and the way his unlimited Wilsonianism has been
received
by conservatives
provide, for the liberventionist, the only needed evidence that
the American Right, the Republican Party, the War on Terrorism,
and George W. Bush are the best hopes for liberty, peace, and security
not just for America but for the entire world. The liberventionist
admiration, respect, and loyalty to Bush and his cause and Bush's
liberventionist-compatible rhetoric mean something very significant
to the freedom movement and the prospects for liberty that most
partisans of freedom, including most antiwar libertarians, do not
seem to fully grasp, I'm afraid. If you listen to what they say,
Bush and his cabal embrace the liberventionist credo: world war,
conducted by the U.S. state, all in the name of liberation. And
although liberventionists claim to oppose domestic socialism, high
taxes, the drug war, and the like, the fact is that these issues
are secondary to war in their minds. The neoconservatives also care
much more about foreign policy than domestic. In the end, especially
after Bush's reelection and speech, adamant liberventionists and
neoconservatives have more in common than not, and in the context
of a two-party system and one-dimensional political spectrum, the
two groups are on the same side, in partisan terms and on the issue
that matters most.
Of
all the warmongers, the neoconservatives
are most up front about the horrible policy they want. They want
the U.S. to take over the Middle East, and eventually confront China.
This means world war, or at least global cold war with occasional
medium-sized hot wars the type of nightmare the US government
engaged in for almost half a century after World War II.
Even
worse, it could mean a hot world war, with total war or, indeed,
nuclear warfare, which many neocons do not want to rule out as a
policy option approaching the international devastation of World
War I or World War II.
This
is unspeakable. I do not want to live through a world war. People
who say most antiwar Americans don't understand what the country
went through during World War II do have a point. But I want it
to stay that way. Ten million drafted, forty percent of the economy
dedicated to wartime production, the nationalization of industry,
food rationing, lunatic inflation, crippling taxation, censorship,
internment camps, and 400,000 Americans dead did not mark a good
time. And the effects throughout Europe and Asia were worse.
It
should be needless to say that World War II was one of the least
libertarian times America ever went through. World War I was also
up there, basically the same but on a smaller scale. And, as it
turned out, neither of these wars saved the world. World War I,
especially U.S. entry into it, led to the conditions that gave rise
to the century's worst butchers and tyrants most notably,
Lenin, Stalin, and Hitler. World War II led to the expansion and
nuclearization of the USSR, Communist dominance of Eastern Europe
and Asia, and a Cold War in which the United States and USSR, former
allies, held the world hostage with the constant threat of Mutually
Assured Destruction. The Cold War left millions and millions dead
and led to the current War on Terrorism, in which the United States,
once again, has become pitted against its former allies, in this
case its former anti-Soviet proxies in the Middle East. This madness
of perpetual war for its own sake is not going to end until it ends,
and America's not going to be free as long as it's fighting a futile,
unrealistic war against worldwide evil and tyranny. America will
not have its civil liberties and economic freedom as long as it's
mobilized in fighting a permanent global revolution. We will not
be safe from terrorists as long as our government's launching missiles
and killing innocent people by the thousands, especially in unpopular,
internationally condemned interventions, and especially considering
that missiles are simply not the optimal tool to use against terrorist
networks.
This
war is a disaster, a humanitarian crisis, the worst thing our government
has done in some time. It has only spread more blood and hate throughout
the Middle East, consolidated more power in untrustworthy institutions,
destabilized and destroyed countries and lives; and it has failed
utterly in reducing the terrorist threat, bringing the 9/11 perpetrators
to justice, or liberating the two countries that were supposedly
bombed and invaded for that purpose.
A startlingly
strong minority of Americans would now tolerate a war on Iran,
and this is before the propaganda campaign we can expect to see.
The Bush administration wants more war. And the liberventionists
want it too. The liberventionists and interventionist Right have
never been more united, nor has their agenda ever been so clearly
divorced from any plausible rationale of national self-defense.
The agenda is internationalist intervention to purge the globe of
tyranny, no matter the collateral damage abroad, loss in American
blood and treasure, or corruption of American institutions, credibility
and culture. This is not a minor policy difference, nor is it going
away.
I'm
often asked, "Who are these liberventionists"? Look around
the Internet. Check out most of the bloggers who call themselves
libertarians, most of the Objectivists, some of the free-market
think tanks, and elements of the Libertarian Party. They're out
there. And they're screaming for blood.
Now,
there are some libertarians who supported the Afghanistan war and
opposed the war on Iraq. Some of them have probably come around
to rethinking the first war. There are even some who supported the
Iraq war and have doubts now, and will likely not fall for the trick
again.
There
are also "libertarians" who supported going to war with
Iraq back in late 2001. Some "individualists" cried for
the collective punishment of the entire Middle East after seeing
the calamity of 9/11. If there's another 9/11, what are they going
to ask for? World war? Nuking millions of innocent people? Would
it be worth it? Would it solve anything? Think about the implications.
Consider
the idea of nuking the Middle East, and killing one-tenth the population
of the Muslim world. This would be condemned as altruistic leniency
by the most hawkish Objectivists, and after another 9/11, this is
probably the very least they would demand.
Nuking
one-tenth of the Middle East would be killing about one hundred
million innocent people. That's about twice as many people as died
in World War II. If the U.S. did such a thing, it would be committing,
by far, the greatest atrocity in world history, by any humane measurement.
To think there is any relationship at all between such an act and
the ideals of life, liberty and property is demented and delusional.
Of
course, some might say this is a straw man. Few people, other than
the Objectivists, are calling for one hundred million deaths.
Well,
if and as long as the war continues, there will be more bombings,
more aggression, more terrorism, and more escalation. The "new Pearl Harbor" that
the neocons got with 9/11 might have yet another sequel. No libertarian
wants this to happen. We need to stop this from happening. The War
on Terrorism only increases the likelihood of such an attack, which
would incite more bloodshed and hysterical calls for apocalyptic
destruction and potentially spiral into total world war.
As
a small contribution to the effort of ensuring that libertarians
understand the importance of this issue as it relates to the libertarian
movement, I suggest to everyone interested the following online
reading:
The
Libertarian Obligation to Oppose War
"War,
Peace and the State" by Murray Rothbard is perhaps his
magnum opus on the topic. It is a must-read that pretty much sums
up the mandate for libertarians to oppose war, whenever and wherever
they begin. For more on Rothbard's views on war, peace and
the state, I recommend "Murray N. Rothbard: Against
War and the State" by Stephen W. Carson and "Murray N. Rothbard on
States, War and Peace, Part I" and "Part II" by Joseph
Stromberg.
Walter
Block has a couple of great pieces on why pro-war libertarianism
is a contradiction in terms, "Bloodthirsty 'Libertarians'"
and "Libertarian Warmongers."
Hans-Hermann
Hoppe explains why libertarian principles mean the rejection of
aggressive war and why libertarian class theory should lead one
to distrust the warfare state in an interview, "Hans-Hermann Hoppe on War, Terrorism
and the World State."
Laurence
M. Vance contrasts war with the founding principles of America in
his wonderful essay, "Jefferson on the Evils of
War."
Wendy
McElroy explains why virtually every war fails the libertarian test
in "Libertarian Just War
Theory."
Liberventionism
in the Post-9/11 World
September
11th was a testing point for principled libertarian opposition to
the warfare state. Joseph Stromberg contributed a series of pieces,
reflecting on the returning trend of pro-war libertarianism, which
had declined a bit after the end of the Cold War. Coining the term
"liberventionist," Stromberg analyzed the unfortunate
reemergence in "Liberventionism Rides Again,"
critiqued general liberventionist intellectual error in "Liberventionism II: The Flight
from Theory," and discussed the liberventionist tendency
to whitewash the history of U.S. intervention and even advocate
total war on civilians in "Liberventionism
III: The Flight from History."
A
fair number of libertarians spoke out early for the need to oppose
war and its inevitable accompaniment of government expansion. Lew Rockwell and
his writers did, as well as Antiwar.com, a few publications
such as The Libertarian
Enterprise and Strike the Root,
and a few organizations such as the Mises Institute, The
Independent Institute, and the Future of Freedom Foundation.
Many
libertarians went along with the war on Afghanistan, including,
at least tacitly, the Libertarian
Party establishment. Lew Rockwell pulled apart the ambiguous
LP press release in "Does
the LP Support THIS War?"
Reflecting
on the sad divide in the libertarian movement over the war, Jacob
Hornberger explained in "Libertarian Splits in the War on
Terrorism" why we can't expect to ever have a free
society as long as we have a perpetual War on Terrorism.
David
J. Theroux and Karen DeCoster warned about the assaults on American
liberty that would come with the burgeoning warfare state, and the
impossibility of using aggression and central planning to bring
about security, in "The
New U.S. War on Liberty."
Standing
against the criticism of the libertarian opposition to the war,
early after 9/11, Justin Raimondo defended the antiwar libertarians
in "Who's
Afraid of Virginia Postrel?" and L. Neil Smith did so as
well, while expounding on the non-aggression principle as it relates
to war, in "War of the Weenies."
Justin
Raimondo explained how there was more hope for libertarians than
many might think in his article, "Long Live Libertarianism!"
an inspiration for anyone at the time who was worrying about
the death of rationality and principle in this movement of ours.
In his speech "War and Freedom,"
Lew Rockwell reflected on the disappointing performance of mainstream
libertarians, and the horrible bloodthirstiness of conservatives
and the Bush administration.
Iraq
and the Continuing Delusion of Liberventionism
When
some libertarians went beyond supporting the Afghanistan War to
advocating war on Iraq, it became clear that liberventionism was
not going away and was not only an understandable, if disappointing,
visceral reaction in the immediate wake of 9/11.
After
Justin Raimondo challenged the Libertarian Party to take a firm
antiwar position in his speech, "Libertarianism in the Age of
Empire," activist and writer Thomas Knapp chimed in, with
"The
Party and War," explaining why the Libertarian Party could
not afford to be soft on the issue. Shortly after Gulf War II began,
Robert Higgs addressed the demented mindset of liberventionism in
"Are Pro-War Libertarians
Right?" Harry Browne reflected on the many ways libertarians
had to violate their own principles in "Libertarians
and War."
Liberventionism
vs. Libertarianism: The Prospects for Liberty
After
the Iraq war came to turn into a quagmire, Gary North, in "The
Self-Castration of Libertarian Hawks," expressed optimism
that liberventionism was on its way out. More recently, Daniel McCarthy
reiterated the major reasons why we must oppose warfare aggression
in "Liberventionism for
Fun and Profit."
Justin
Raimondo explained how the element of Objectivism is a strong reason
for warmongering within the libertarian movement in his speech,
"The
Objectivist Death Cult." To be fair, there have been efforts
within Objectivism to make Objectivists realize the follies of at
least components of the war, including a piece by Chip Gibbons,
"Ayn
Rand: The Roots of War."
Personally,
I have considered this matter very crucial, and have addressed some
liberventionist contradictions in "Only War Will Prevent
War" and "Liberventionists: The
Nationalist Internationalists." In "Libertarians and the
Warfare State" I returned to the basic incompatibilities
between libertarianism and war, and in "Anarcho-statism"
I discussed a particular and odd creature we see once in a while:
the pro-war anarchist.
The
issue of war and peace is the most important issue for libertarians,
especially now. This war must end for the future of liberty to have
a chance in this country, and for peace to have a chance in the
world. This is not a minor issue. Libertarians need to take a stand
against this, and stop it from exploding into another world war,
especially nuclear. This is the urgent task for all believers in
freedom, individualism, and peace. You can stand on the wrong end
of this issue and call yourself a libertarian, if you want. But
you're not doing much to promote liberty. Marginal tax cuts and
decriminalized marijuana, as great causes as they are, would not
very well compensate for what we would lose in world war.
January
26, 2005
Anthony
Gregory [send him mail]
is a writer and musician who lives in Berkeley, California. He is
a research assistant at the Independent
Institute. See
his webpage for more
articles and personal information.
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© 2005 LewRockwell.com
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