Ronald Reagan’s Good Rhetoric, Bad Policies, and Vile Followers
by
Anthony Gregory
by Anthony Gregory
Ronald
Reagan’s recent passing has brought on a barrage of praise, both
selective and exaggerated, from people across the political spectrum.
Conservatives,
liberals,
neo-cons
and libertarians
have shared their thoughts on the trumpeted legacy of America’s
Great Communicator.
Most
of the honest praise has focused on his rhetoric, much of which,
I admit, was very appealing, and certainly more eloquent than what
we’d expect to hear from the White House these days.
Reagan
talked a good talk about shrinking the government, cutting taxes
and spending. He gave sermons against Communism. He spoke well of
liberty, individualism, and limited state power.
He
condemned conscription. He brandished the Constitution. He espoused
capitalism.
But
what did he do?
As
governor of California and president of the United States, he enacted
policies that, in the main, greatly expanded the role and size of
government.
As
governor, he oversaw the largest tax increase in Californian history.
Democratic Governor Jerry Brown cut back the tax rate when he came
to office.
As
president, Reagan expanded the federal government by about 90%.
Ah,
but this was for defense, one might protest. And defense spending,
according to the conventional wisdom, doesn’t count for some reason.
In fact, defense spending is good for a "capitalist"
economy, even though it was supposedly defense spending that brought
down the Soviet economy. (I wonder if Reagan’s increases in California’s
spending when he was governor can be attributed to a good-faith
effort on his part to beat Oregon and Nevada in an arms race.)
All
in all, Reagan allowed the welfare state to enlarge and the military
budget to explode, causing monstrous budget deficits and government
growth that dwarfs government growth under Clinton, even when Clinton
had a Democratic Congress. Reagan’s tax cuts notwithstanding (some
of which he reversed), the state grew fat and its growth will inevitably
be financed through inflation or tax increases (unless the state
defaults).
Reagan
also bombed Libya, put the "war" in War on Drugs, allowed
the continuation of Selective Service registration (despite his
campaign promise to end it), helped
the Khmer Rouge terrorize Thailand, imposed brutal
trade sanctions on Nicaragua, funded the murderous brutal Contras,
sold missiles to Iran, gave assistance to Saddam Hussein and Osama
bin Laden, and lied to the American people.
That
he did all these things in the name of "freedom," "capitalism,"
"small government," and "liberty" renders his
legacy, in my opinion, all the more insidious. If bad Reaganesque
policies continue to have a pass because of their superficial rhetorical
selling points, American liberty will have suffered, not strengthened,
because of him.
Many
Americans say Reagan was a man of principle, regardless of what
else we might think of him. And yet I’ve heard few examples of how
he acted on his principles. More often, I hear excuses that he had
a principled ideology but failed to follow through.
Still,
his rhetoric probably did bring a fair number of people around to
adopting some good values. And even some of his policies – such
as pulling out of Lebanon after terrorists bombed the Marine base
in Beirut, lifting oil price controls, continuing Carter’s deregulation
– were quite admirable, especially by today’s standards.
By
and large, however, Reagan’s words are used to advance the power
of the state. Many in today’s
War Party, previously critical of Reagan’s relative restraint,
claim that Reagan would have approved of their pet war in Iraq,
when we do not know one way or the other if that is true.
They
say Reagan made them revere liberty, and that their reverence towards
liberty leads them to revere war.
They
say that his words
about the Soviet Union are applicable today, and that what we
face now is Cold
War II.
They
say that Clinton and even Bush the Second haven’t sufficiently followed
Reagan’s policy of bloated military spending and foreign bellicosity.
They
have in the past compared
him to Thomas Jefferson, when all the two presidents had in common
was that their words were better than their presidencies. (Even
this is a weak comparison, seeing as how President Jefferson actually
shrank the government.)
Today’s
champions of neo-Reaganism invoke the legacy of a man who practiced
libertarian rhetoric and carried out a predominately statist agenda,
and they do it to advance an agenda even more statist than Reagan’s.
As
much as I think certain misanthropes distort and twist Reaganism
to their devious purposes, it is no surprise that the Gipper would
have such a vile following. No symbol is more useful in the advocacy
of empire than a respected leader who glorified freedom even as
he trampled it.
I
can’t speak of Reagan the man, whom I never knew. It seems clear,
however, that freedom lovers who mourn his passing should likewise
mourn his legacy, which, as it stands, is hardly a cause for celebration.
June
10, 2004
Anthony
Gregory [send him mail]
is a writer and musician who lives in Berkeley, California. He earned
his bachelor’s degree in history at UC Berkeley, where he was president
of the Cal Libertarians. He is an intern at the Independent
Institute and has written for Rational Review, Strike
the Root, the Libertarian Enterprise, and Antiwar.com. See
his webpage for more
articles and personal information.
Copyright
© 2004 LewRockwell.com
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