Bush’s War on the Bill of Rights
by
Anthony Gregory
by Anthony Gregory
In my first
LewRockwell.com article, "Are
Current Bill of Rights Erosions Unprecedented?" I argued
that the Bush administration’s attacks on the Bill of Rights, egregious
as they are, do indeed have their precedents in history. I never
meant to defend Bush on this basis, but merely to give historical
perspective. I stand by what I said. Bush, bad as he is, has not
violated the Constitution any worse than Lyndon Johnson, Richard
Nixon or Harry Truman, and not as badly as Woodrow Wilson, Franklin
Roosevelt, or Abraham Lincoln.
Nevertheless,
Bush did swear an oath to uphold the Constitution, and he has shirked
that duty considerably. We should not hold him to the standard of
past American tyrants, but rather to the finest of America’s founding
principles. It is useful, though perhaps depressing, to see the
many ways in which president Bush has trashed the most noble and
inspiring of all attempts to limit government through law, the Bill
of Rights. Even as he advocates a new
amendment to the Constitution to set national standards on marriage,
the most important amendments already in place have each fallen
prey to the ravages of his government.
Amendment
I
Congress
shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting
the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or
of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble,
and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.
George W. Bush
has shown an outright hostility to freedom of speech. In the name
of combating "indecency," the FCC under Bush has raised
its punitive fines to outrageous new levels, wasted money on an
"investigation" of Janet Jackson’s breast, and pressured
Clear Channel to drop the Howard Stern Show. Bush has applied and
maintained draconian restrictions on the press in Iraq, even forbidding
the photography of flag-draped caskets returning home.
Attacking the
fundamental right of free political speech, he signed the horrendous
Bipartisan Campaign Finance Reform bill, which severely restricts
dissent. The
law makes it a crime for non-profit advocacy groups simply to mutter
the name of a national candidate within the last sixty days before
a general election. There is no excuse for Congress making a
law abridging the freedom of speech when the First Amendment says,
"Congress shall make no law… abridging the freedom of speech."
Some thought that the Supreme Court would gut the law’s worst provisions,
which it did not. If Congress relied on another branch of the government
to intervene and protect the public from its excesses, it is guilty
of a major dereliction of duty.
As a result
of Bush’s policies, the government has even attacked freedom of
assembly, creating "free
speech zones" and keeping war protesters away when Bush
appears on camera. At the outset of the Iraq War, Oakland police
injured several war protesters by assaulting them with wooden bullets
and concussion grenades, even as they ran away. Some have argued
that the protesters, interfering with war commerce, got what they
deserved, but the "collateral
damage" suffered by the dockworkers probably disrupted
the flow of trade that day more than the protests.1
One could
feasibly list examples of how Bush has compromised the right of
Americans to "petition the government for a redress of grievances,"
but the single following statement from Bush
to Bob Woodward captures the president’s feelings about his
responsibility to answer to the people:
"I'm the
commander, see. I do not need to explain why I say things. That's
the interesting thing about being the president. Maybe somebody
needs to explain to me why they say something, but I don't feel
like I owe anybody an explanation."
It’s a wonder
that Bush would want to deny others freedom in their speech when
he so frequently demonstrates such inspiring eloquence in his own.
Amendment
II
A well regulated
militia, being necessary to the security of a free state, the right
of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed.
Many have long
argued that Republicans value the Second Amendment more than Democrats.
So far, Bush’s policy has fallen in line with the Republican and
NRA doctrine on gun control: the right to bear arms is an inalienable
right, and instead of passing unconstitutional gun laws, the government
should enforce more strictly the 20,000 unconstitutional laws already
on the books. In effect, Republicans oppose government undermining
the choices of Americans, but so long as government is in the business
of doing so, its programs should be fully funded and carried out
by Republicans with strict adherence to the letter of the law, resulting
in punishments as severe as possible.
Ashcroft’s
Justice Department has indeed turned up the heat on enforcing unconstitutional
gun laws, boasting:
"Under the President’s Project Safe Neighborhoods program,
federal gun crime prosecutions have increased by 68 percent over
the last three years. Last year, the Department set a new record
of charging 23 percent more individuals for violating federal firearms
laws." The Bush administration has asked for a $95 million
increase in spending on gun control programs for 2005. He has also
expressed willingness to renew the Assault Weapons Ban.
Moreover,
although Bush signed the law passed by Congress that allowed airline
pilots to carry guns on planes – one of the few security measures
after 9/11 that might have actually prevented the terrorist attack
– his administration
initially refused to implement it. Bush acquiesced only after
Congress and the Senate reconvened and voted, by a supermajority,
to force Bush to put guns in the hands of pilots.
In spite of
what Republicans in the NRA and Democrats in the Violence Policy
Center might say, Bush has hassled gun owners more than any recent
president, and has shown only contempt for any moderation in the
War on the Second Amendment.
Amendment
III
No soldier
shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the consent
of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed
by law.
The Third Amendment
is always the toughest to discuss in its relevance to today. Just
as we must recognize that the "well regulated militia"
line in the Second Amendment referred to a citizen’s militia when
it was written in the late 18th century, we must consider
the Third Amendment in proper historical context.
The American
colonists had just fought a revolution against Britain, the world’s
superpower that had imposed its will on much of the planet’s peoples.
The Third Amendment was written in memory of the Quartering
Act of 1765, which compelled American colonists not only to
give up sovereignty within their own homes, but also to pay taxes
to build housing for British soldiers. After winning the Revolution,
the Founding Fathers wanted to prevent the new American government
from coercing its people into providing for its imperial and colonial
ambitions the way Britain had done.
As the U.S.
government levies taxes on Americans – and even on Iraqis
– to pay its soldiers fighting for the global quasi-Trotskyite
democratic revolution that the War on Terrorism has become, Americans
should judge for themselves if the Bush administration has disgraced
the spirit of the Third Amendment. The manner in which the U.S.
military treats the houses of Iraqis has hardly been a manner "prescribed
by law." We can only hope that the U.S. government does not
take the final steps in defying the letter, as well as the spirit,
of the Third Amendment, by giving new meaning to "bringing
the soldiers home."
Amendment
IV
The right
of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and
effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be
violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause,
supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the
place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.
This one is
a no-brainer. The Patriot Act's "Sneak and Peak" provision allows
the feds to come into your home, search your residence, and leave
without telling you for up to six months. It has expanded the government’s
powers under the Federal Intelligence Surveillance Act to get warrants
for wiretaps from special courts, not subject to the same oversight
as typical courts. Another provision allowed the FBI to obtain library
records from librarians, who had to keep their mouths shut about
confrontations with officials. Within months of 9/11, law enforcers
had visited nearly 10 percent of America’s libraries "seeking
September 11-related information about patron reading habits."2
The Justice Department has resurrected COINTELPRO, a surveillance
program that subverted groups and incited violence between political
dissidents in the Vietnam era. The administration’s ultimate goal
of "Total
Information Awareness" flies in the face of any decent
understanding of the Fourth Amendment.
Under Clinton,
the Fourth Amendment was already in serious trouble due to the War
on Drugs and other domestic surveillance programs. It has gotten
indescribably worse since the 1990s, when Aschroft complained that
Clinton wanted "to hand Big Brother the keys to unlock our
e-mail diaries, open our ATM records, read our medical records,
or translate our international communications."3
If today’s Aschroft met his counterpart from the 1990s, he would
probably
say that his avatar’s warnings against Clinton’s policies were
frightening "peace-loving people with phantoms of lost liberty"
and that such anti-government paranoia only gives "ammunition
to America’s enemies and pause to America’s friends."
The Bush administration
has no intention to allow the anachronistic Fourth Amendment to
disrupt the War on Terrorism. This is a war for freedom, after all,
and we cannot let trivial liberties get in the way.
Amendment
V
No person
shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime,
unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in
cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when
in actual service in time of war or public danger; nor shall any
person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy
of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to
be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty,
or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property
be taken for public use, without just compensation.
Shortly after
September 11, the Immigration and Naturalization Service and Justice
Department detained more than a thousand individuals, whom Bush
labeled as "terrorists" even after the Justice Department
admitted the detainees had no connection to terrorism.4
In addition, at least dozens of Americans were detained without
due process of law because of a phony "material witness"
status.5
The Patriot
Act has greatly expanded federal asset forfeiture powers, which
allow the government to confiscate property without even accusing
its owners of a crime. Those who "smuggle" their own money
out of the country may now see it seized. The administration has
worked to extend the despotic power of eminent domain, which allows
the government to seize property for such unconstitutional purposes
as federal production of interstate electrical
lines.
When the founders
discussed "due process of law" they meant more than the
arbitrary power of executive edict. The Fifth Amendment has fallen
victim to numerous beatings over the years, but Bush and company
rank among its all time worst enemies.
Amendment
VI
In all criminal
prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and
public trial, by an impartial jury of the state and district wherein
the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been
previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature
and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses
against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses
in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.
Perhaps James
Madison meant to write at the end of this sentence, "unless
the president considers the accused an ‘enemy combatant.’"
Guantanamo
Bay is the clearest and most troubling example of accused criminals
detained without any of the benefits of an impartial trial with
the due process spelled out in the Sixth Amendment. They do not
receive the rights of war prisoners, nor of criminal defendants,
because they fall under the makeshift category of "enemy combatant."
Of course, Bush does not "accuse" these prisoners of being
"enemy combatants" – because then they would have the
rights of the "accused." He simply asserts they are "enemy
combatants," and that settles that.
The assertion
that Guantanamo is constitutional because it is located outside
America is ludicrous and unsettling. It is ludicrous because the
U.S. has jurisdiction there, and if the government can violate your
liberties by moving you outside the country, the Bill of Rights
is meaningless. It’s unsettling because it is an admission that
the goings on in Guantanamo are even more oppressive than the run-of-the-mill
Bill of Rights violations that Americans will tolerate at home.
Bush has violated
the Sixth Amendment in other ways, but Guantanamo typifies his attitude
toward its basic principles. The Founding Fathers would probably
have an impossible time believing Bush’s flagrant disrespect for
the rights of the accused. Of course, the Founding Fathers would
have probably been considered terrorists, and would likely find
themselves detained as "enemy combatants" for all their
un-American beliefs and subversive political activism.
Amendment
VII
In suits
at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty
dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact
tried by a jury, shall be otherwise reexamined in any court of the
United States, than according to the rules of the common law.
The Seventh
Amendment is often misunderstood. Written in the aftermath of the
American Revolution, its purpose was not only to guarantee the rights
of defendants in civil cases, but also the rights of plaintiffs
– especially of plaintiffs suing government agents for violations
of their rights. After seeing mock courts set up by King George
III to protect his minions from any meaningful legal recourse, the
colonists wanted to guarantee that Americans suing government officials
would be guaranteed a trial by jury.
The Bush administration
has been frightening in the way it has nullified lawsuits against
its actions. The Justice Department simply laughed at attempts of
the ACLU to get lists of detained suspects through lawsuits in early
2002.6 Ellen
Mariani’s lawsuit against the Bush administration, accusing
it of foreknowledge of, and failure to act on, September 11, may
seem to many like the material of a conspiracy theory, but we can
be fairly sure that the question will never go to a jury. Quite
recently, an
ACLU legal challenge against the Patriot Act became news after being
silenced for three weeks by the Patriot Act.
Perhaps the
reason for the inability of Americans to successfully sue administration
officials in a trial by jury is that none of these transgressions
of which the government is accused is a controversy in which the
value at issue exceeds twenty dollars.
Amendment
VIII
Excessive
bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel
and unusual punishments inflicted.
We have seen
Martha
Stewart sentenced to prison for claiming innocence of a victimless
crime. We have seen Tommy
Chong sentenced to jail time for manufacturing glassware into
the politically incorrect shape of marijuana paraphernalia. We have
seen Clear
Channel fined by the FCC for about half a million dollars, all
over Howard Stern’s performing the same radio material he’s done
for years.
These are
only some high profile cases of Americans suffering excessive punishments
for victimless activities. One low-profile example, which should
be widely known, is Mohammed Hussein, the first "criminal"
ever convicted under the Patriot Act. He was called a terrorist
by the government and media, he lost his money transmitting business,
and he received an eighteen-month prison sentence. What did he do
to deserve this? What was his crime under the Patriot Act? He incorrectly
filled out an application for a state business license.7
Of course, conservatives still argue that the
Patriot Act has not been abused.
For decades
Americans have endured punishments that had no semblance of proportionality
to their "crimes." Under the Bush administration, the
Eighth Amendment has been circumvented as increasingly cruel punishments
have become decreasingly unusual.
Amendment
IX
The enumeration
in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to
deny or disparage others retained by the people.
When the Constitution
and Bill of Rights were being considered for ratification, some
Americans pointed out possible loose ends. The "Antifederalists"
– who often preferred the term "Federalists," and resented
their opponents for stealing the label – wanted to ensure that the
federal government only exercise those powers mentioned in the Constitution
and that it did not violate certain fundamental rights. The Antifederalists
tended to favor the Bill of Rights, but they feared that the listing
of specific rights would be used to rationalize violations of unlisted
ones. The Ninth and Tenth Amendments were meant to hammer home the
notion that the federal government was subservient to the people.
George W. Bush
has no conception of the inalienable, unenumerated rights of the
American people. He has flouted the personal, intimate right to
self-medication by closing
down medical marijuana facilities. He has affronted the right
to peaceful trade by establishing
protectionist steel tariffs and imposing sanctions on other
countries, most
recently Syria. His administration has abrogated the right to
travel with his no-fly
list, which uses the pretext of fighting terrorism to prevent
political dissidents and those with names similar to those of suspects
from flying. On September 11, 2001, the federal government even
impeded the right to emigrate by forbidding anyone from leaving
the country. His Patriot Act made it a crime to carry significant
amounts of cash on a plane. While the Bush administration assaults
the liberties specifically spelled out in the Bill of Rights, it
also punishes those who wish to relieve their pain from cancer,
improve their lives with commerce, or quietly leave the country
with their savings – all unwritten, essential rights that James
Madison and Thomas Jefferson would be appalled to see so routinely
eviscerated in America.
As constitutional
scholar Randy Barnett says, "The Ninth Amendment mandates that
unenumerated rights be treated the same as those that are listed."8
Bush would probably agree wholeheartedly, as he trashes our enumerated
and unenumerated rights equally.
Amendment
X
The powers
not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited
by it to the states, are reserved to the states respectively, or
to the people.
The Tenth Amendment
concludes the Bill of Rights with a demand that the federal government
be restricted to activities authorized in the Constitution. The
constitutional powers of the president, Congress, and the Supreme
Court are highlighted in Articles I, II and III of the main body
of the Constitution, and anything outside of this delegated authority
is not the proper jurisdiction of the national government. For years
conservatives rightly complained that Democrats advanced all sorts
of federal programs that had no constitutional basis.
Almost every
government abuse I mention in this essay qualifies as a violation
of the Tenth Amendment. In addition to these violations, Bush has
sharply increased farm subsidies, signing a record
$190 billion dollar farm bill, and severely distorting domestic
and international markets. He signed into law the largest
expansion of Medicare since its inception, looting present and
future taxpayers of hundreds of billions and maybe more than a trillion
dollars in one of most shameless giveaways to preferred voters and
business interests in decades. Aside from giving prescription drugs
away free he has unleashed plans to build national surveillance
systems to monitor "prescription drug abuse."
Bush has increased
federal funding for education, welfare, foreign aid, local law enforcement,
and "faith-based" initiatives, and he has developed programs
to encourage marriages and to provide relationship counseling. Since
Bush took office, the U.S. budget’s discretionary spending has
increased about 28%. Through his "compassion conservatism,"
George W. Bush has perhaps done more to advance the American welfare
state than any other president in American history.
There is not
a single aspect of Americans’ economic and personal lives that the
modern federal government considers off limits. When it comes to
providing the federal government with new powers and duties for
which there exists no constitutional authority, President Bush ranks
among the very few most ambitious presidents in American history.
The Bill
of Rights – RIP?
The Bush administration
has been utterly hostile to the entire Bill of Rights. I did not
focus on it, but one can quickly realize that Bush has violated
all the principles of the Bill of Rights in regard to the Iraq War
alone. Iraqis have been censored, disarmed, occupied, searched,
hassled, regulated by curfew, severely and arbitrarily beaten and
punished, tortured, humiliated, and generally abused by a foreign
government that respects no limits on its power and regards Iraqis
as if they have no impermeable rights at all. This is not to say
that Saddam respected anyone’s rights, but it speaks to the lunacy
of the U.S. government brutally instituting a constitution abroad
when it has no regard for the constitutional safeguards against
any of its own actions.
During wartime,
the Bill of Rights and its corresponding liberties tend to suffer
extraordinary abuse. Bush prides himself as a "war president,"
and so it should come as no surprise when he treats his foreign
and domestic subjects accordingly.
Although, as
I’ve said before, some previous presidents may have been as bad
or even worse, we must still have a clear understanding and appreciation
for how much George Bush and the present government are undermining
the principles that made America so special. The first Ten Amendments
of the Constitution provide a blueprint for an incredibly free society.
Perhaps Bush, who
has a phobia against reading anything aside from what his advisors
give him, should break with personal custom for at least half
an hour and read the Bill of Rights.
Notes
- Some strict
constructionists might argue that the First Amendment applies
only to Congress, and not the local police, but much of what local
police now do is tied up inextricably with national policies,
especially with the Patriot Act and the War on Terrorism and War
on Drugs. Without Bush's policies, the Oakland cops would have
not assaulted those protesters and dockworkers, which is the main
point.
- James Bovard,
Terrorism
and Tyranny: Trampling Freedom, Justice, and Peace to Rid the
World of Evil (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), p.
141.
- Ibid., p.
132.
- Ibid., p.
106.
- Ibid., p.
124.
- Ibid., 122.
- Ibid., pp.
88–89.
- Randy Barnett,
Restoring
the Lost Constitution: The Presumption of Liberty (Princeton
University Press: 2004), p. 252.
May
14, 2004
Anthony
Gregory [send him mail]
is a writer and musician who lives in Berkeley, California. He earned
his bachelor’s degree in history at UC Berkeley, where he was president
of the Cal Libertarians. He is an intern at the Independent
Institute and has written for Rational Review, Strike
the Root, the Libertarian Enterprise, and Antiwar.com. See
his webpage for more
articles and personal information.
Copyright
© 2004 LewRockwell.com
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