The
Trouble With Feminism
by
Paul Gottfried
Although
it is always good to see attacks on feminism, the remarks against
"radical feminists" published by Kenneth
Minogue in the New Criterion raise more questions than
they answer. Is there, for example, a clear historical and conceptual
demarcation, as Minogue seems to think, between the recent unpleasant
forms of feminism and the stages of female emancipation and female
self-actualization that came before? While Minogue waxes eloquent
about "individual character" in "Christian civilization"
and about "the rising wave created by the increasing flexibility
of Western civilization" when he describes pre-"radical"
feminist advances, he rages against "the new tribe of radical
feminists" who came along in the 1960s.
Supposedly,
unlike earlier advocates of women’s rights, Betty Friedan and
her cohorts insisted on a collective female identity and made
war on all institutions sustaining or expressing a separate male
culture. Previous advances made in the professional and social
lives of women, according to Minogue, took place in accordance
with received civilizational norms. Thus while the "more
brutish" males opposed women’s entry into the professions,
"other men," by which is meant the better kind, aided
women in this endeavor.
But didn’t civilizational norms also exist, in the Christian West
as well as elsewhere, that favored the legal and social recognition
of gender distinctions? And though Christianity places a higher
premium on individual life than do certain Asian religions, this
did not translate, with minor exceptions, until the last century
into granting the vote to both sexes or proclaiming equal access
for both genders to enter all professions?
Serious
conservative scholars like Allan Carlson and F. Carolyn Graglia
have maintained that the change of women’s role, from being primarily
mothers to self-defined professionals, has been a social disaster
that continues to take its toll on the family. Rather than being
the culminating point of Western Christian gentility, the movement
of women into commerce and politics may be seen as exactly the
opposite, the descent by increasingly disconnected individuals
into social chaos.
Even more importantly, the distinction between "moderate"
and "radical" feminists, which is basic to Minogue’s
essay, is not a significant difference. That distinction is in
fact based on what neocons are willing to absorb of the feminist
movement, as opposed to what they dislike, at least for the moment.
It is also without historical justification to focus on the sui
generis character of the latest phase of feminism and to treat
it as discontinuous from what preceded it. The arguments made
by Betty Friedan in The
Feminine Mystique were pulled from a polemical arsenal
that, as Mrs. Graglia demonstrates, went back to feminists of
the early twentieth century. Already in the interwar years, female
professionals were organizing to push through a predecessor of
the ERA. It may be assumed from Minogue’s observations that it
was ok for feminists to unite to break down gender barriers and
to enlist the state on their side before Betty Friedan came on
the scene.
Note
the same kind of weasly distinction is drawn by Bill Kristol,
in a tortuous interview granted to the New York Times after
the 1994 election. In a quintessential statement of passive opposition
to the Left, Kristol stressed that moderate conservatives heartily
support "gay and women’s rights up until now." We are
thereby led to believe that anyone who supports the extension
of such rights beyond that privileged point in time is an extremist
and so is anyone who set out to arrest that process prematurely.
In a like manner, Minogue exaggerates distinctions between the
interrelated phases of an historical process, hermetically differentiating
the one he finds unobjectionable from the one he continues, perhaps
provisionally, to oppose.
Most significantly, he recapitulates the sin of omission committed
by every neocon confronted by unwelcome social and moral change.
He never (no, absolutely never) implicates government in the tyranny
of shrieking banshees that he decries. This sin, I must assume
by now, is deliberate: Neocons live off political largess and
get their jollies by pushing politicians into starting wars. If
there is a heavy in any of their homilies about shrinking public
morals, it is never the state, but something called the "sixties."
Not surprisingly, Minogue reprises this villain when he goes after
the "radical" feminists who cropped up, rather mysteriously,
in the bad old hippie decade. But, like Nazi anti-Semitism, the
politics of these sisters would have failed to produce significant
change if a strong ideologically driven state had not been there
to carry out weird projects.
Minogue
never gets around to mentioning the role of government officials
in enforcing pc and feminist lunacy, as if this were not a major
part of how "radical" feminists have succeeded. The
reason is not only that Minogue’s patrons are political parasites.
It is also that, like William Buckley writing about our non-reciprocal
right to carry out spy missions in China, neocons define the fallen
American constitutional order as "a democracy of free people."
If our managerial regime is to be viewed as that, particularly
when it plans wars against morally unfit nations, one must be
careful not to criticize it for social and cultural failings,
ascribing blame exclusively to its citizen-subjects. The American
state is to be seen as intrinsically good, even when involved
in making us less free and in breaking down traditional communal
norms. One might object that I’ve been slamming the same neocon
publications for decades now for exactly the same offenses. I
shall gladly stop once my targets stop playing the same games,
avoiding unkind references to the managerial state in discussions
of "civilizational" problems and devising bogus distinctions
between the "moderate" and "radical" shakedown
artists.
April
21, 2001
Paul
Gottfried is professor of history at Elizabethtown College and
author, most recently, of the highly recommended After
Liberalism.
Copyright
2001 LewRockwell.com
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