My
comments regarding Sam Francis and his review of my book have
occasioned such a flood of responses that it might be helpful
to offer these clarifications. Nowhere did I say that Dr. Francis
had it coming when the Washington Times fired him, as a
prize-winning columnist, for not sounding nice enough to designated
minorities. At that time I defended Dr. Francis against his detractors
and took up the cudgels recently against one of them, the garrulous
sixties-liberal posing as a conservative, Linda Chavez, when Chavez
was being considered for Secretary of Labor.
Sam also
took my side, no less resolutely, when the neocon cabal went after
me at Catholic University of America. Needless to say, I would
have expected no less from this close friend and political ally.
Because we now disagree about my book does not change our relation.
Nor will this disagreement have the effect of making Sam’s enemies,
who are equally mine, reassess their hatred of me or cause the
useful idiots who serve the neocons to treat either of us with
respect.
What my comments
were intended to underline was a sharp difference in our perspectives
about democracy, the state, and the role of minorities within
the majority culture. Underlying our divergent opinions about
these subjects are our differing views about the modern administrative
state and its determinative power over society. For me, public
administration and mass democracy, as they now exist in the Western
world, sap the capacity for self-government. Administered democracy
eats away at more than the constitutionalism that it lands up
undermining. It strips the populace of any desire or ability to
rule their lives. Moreover, not all members of the presumed managerial
class swing equally large clubs. Corporate executives operate
at the mercy of government and the media priesthood; and it is
questionable whether even big businessmen can be described in
terms of their exercise of power as being as significant as affirmative
action officials or anti-trust investigators assigned to the EEOC
or Justice Department.
With due
respect to Burnham writing in 1940 as a quasi-Marxist, business
and corporate moguls play a decidedly secondary role in the managerial
order. They provide the funding and consumer products that allow
the managerial state to pay off the populace with social programs
and to keep them materially satisfied. They also serve as objects
of fury when the economy takes a nosedive. That the government
does favors for some of "big business" by punishing
their competitors, by handing out defense contracts, or by not
taxing corporations harshly enough to please intellectuals, does
not change the nature of the power relation. Also Sam and I differ
in our views about whether multiculturalism can be characterized
as a rational ruling strategy: he thinks it can while I think
differently. And we obviously hold opposed views about whether
the majority Christian population has succumbed to its own politics
of guilt or whether well-placed minorities have caused it to stumble
into confusion.
Despite these
differences, Sam and I, as my son keeps telling me, agree on far
more than we disagree. Looking at immigration, the need to restore
constitutional control over bureaucrats and judges, the slobbering
outreach practiced by the Bush administration, the invincible
stupidity of minicons, and the phenomenon of white self-hatred,
there is no critical difference between us. I am delighted that
Sam continues to publish his columns and fear there may be no
one to take his place once he lays down his work. It goes without
saying that Sam is more of a populist democrat and less of a bourgeois
conservative or liberal than I. But these differences seem tolerable.
As for the possibility of making over the managerial state into
a conservative force (he thinks it’s possible but I don’t), we’ll
leave that debate for the next time we meet.
August
18, 2003