Responding
to David
Frum (who may soon become the first non-Catholic editor-in-chief
of National Review) is a bit like wading through a cesspool.
His writing is wall-to-wall toxic waste, though apparently smelly
enough to scare Bob Novak into denouncing the "unknown"
paleos with whom he was being linked. Novak assured his readers,
before Frum went after him a second time this Tuesday, that he
thoroughly "abhors" the "racist and anti-Semitic"
paleos Frum had just excoriated. Although Novak strained to distance
himself from the evil ones, he gave himself away by defending
one of the neocons’ favorite whipping boys, Charles A. Lindbergh.
That may have driven Frum into launching his second attack.
The question
that goes begging in any case is whether Frum proves that any
of his targets is a racist, except by implication. Expressing
reservations about the fetid personal life and leftist demagogy
of Martin Luther King, a practice that Bill Buckley, George Will,
Will Herberg, and even Ronald Reagan once pursued, now qualifies
as "racist." And somehow all paleos, including Tom Fleming,
who is perpetually denouncing racial nationalism, are linked to
explicitly racial nationalist publications. As for the anti-Semitism
raging among the paleos, has Frum bothered to notice all the Jews
lined up on the paleo side? One could furnish several minyanim
(prayer quorums), including Israelis. Speaking of Israelis, Frum
should read the acidic comments about his bad manners published
on this website yesterday by Ilana
Mercer. In contrast to the NR editorial board, Ilana
is not impressed by David’s slipshod accusations or his endorsement
of Jewish interests.
Another relevant
issue that comes to mind about Frum is selective amnesia. Certainly
he knows me and not only as a "relentlessly solipsistic"
and "unfocused" professor. My late father-in-law rented
commercial property to his family; and my late wife knew his mother,
a famous leftist TV personality on CBC. I first met David (before
he became a neocon echo) in 1986, when I was a featured speaker
at the Philadelphia Society panel to which he makes portentous
references in his screed. In fact, the speech that he (Ed Feulner
and Emmett Tyrrell) objected to most strenuously at the time was
mine; not surprisingly, I was never invited back to inflict my
rhetoric on another national meeting of the Philadelphia Society.
What I said tout simplement is that neocons are social
democrats and that except for their rightwing Jewish nationalism,
it is hard for me to see how they fit into any kind of Right.
This judgment came from my investigations as an intellectual historian,
who had written books on the European and American Right. At that
time, however, I had not yet encountered the Trotskyist fury of
the Frum-Goldberg-Podhoretz gang.
The speech
by Stephen Tonsor, which the Frum claims "startled the room
by anathematizing the neocons and their work," is falsely
depicted as a statement of Catholic anti-Semitism. For those who
are interested, William Campbell of the Philadelphia Society has
available for distribution tapes of this oration, which should
make the following facts clear: Tonsor was attacking the neocons
(counterfactually) as rightwing Nietzscheans, "whose ideas,
as even the guards at Auschwitz knew, led to the death camps."
Tonsor was speaking as a Catholic democrat, who based his belief
in constitutional government on Catholic and Anglo-Catholic natural
law teachings. Supposedly the neocons were dangerous to the American
Right because they believed in pagan elitism, which Tonsor considered
as incompatible with American conservative values. While the speaker
went on to criticize the self-assertiveness of neocons trying
to take over and redefine the American Right, it is unclear to
me what was anti-Semitic about his presentation.
Note this
speech was full of dubious assertions: that Nietzsche’s thoughts
led ineluctably to the Holocaust, that the neocons are (utinam
fuisset) rightwingers, and that the conservative movement
until the 1980s was Catholic and Anglo-Catholic. (What the hell
do you do with all those Protestants who predominated in the interwar
American Right?) What Tonsor was not doing, however, was venting
anti-Semitism on his Jewish listeners.
A few other
observations may be in order concerning the dishonest way in which
Frum pads his brief against the paleos. Mel Bradford did not come
"to the government hiring window with certain disadvantages"
in his bid for the directorship of NEH in 1981 simply because
he was too far to the right for a "balky Congress."
He underwent months of character assassination at the hands of
Frum’s neocon pals, including George Will, Ed Feulner, and the
Kristol family, the result of which was to make him unconfirmable.
One of the most effective smearers was the far-left historian
Eric Foner, whom, as I show in my history of the conservative
movement, was awarded under Bill Bennett’s tenure as director
close to a half a million dollars in personal grants. The incriminating
statement by Bradford, which Foner and his neocon sponsors turned
against Bradford, comparing Lincoln to Hitler, was yanked out
of context. It came from a crabbed footnote about messianic rhetoric
in a number of political figures, among whom were listed Lincoln
and Hitler. By the way, it is not clear why Southerners like Bradford,
whose ancestors had been devastated by invading federal armies
sent to overrun them by President Lincoln, should share the admiration
for the same heroes as a Canadian global democrat resident in
the US. Why can’t Frum and Bradford have their own separate list
of heroes? Although I personally regard Cromwell as a protector
of my own Jewish ancestors and as an inspired nation builder,
I do not expect my wife, who had Irish ancestors, to share this
admiration.
And even
assuming that I am "relentlessly solipsistic" and "unfocused"
as a teacher, neither of which charge Frum demonstrates, why should
I not "repeatedly complain" if neocons kept me from
a graduate professorship at Catholic University? If that charge
is true, which happens to be the case, why should I not be ticked
off, even if the Frum judges me in a malaprop to be "solipsistic"?
What he means to say is that I’ve been graceless enough to go
after my attackers, who left fingerprints all around the scene
of the crime.
Since a number
of young defenders have weighed in on our beleaguered side, I
shall skip over the rest of Frum’s baseless accusations. But I
would like to underline, as Myles
Kantor began to do a few days ago, that the most lurid examples
of unpatriotic conservatism and rightwing racial and ethnic insensitivity
can be found in Frum’s and Goldberg’s magazine of choice. In the
sixties National Review, and its flamboyant editor-in-chief,
defended segregation and the civilizational right of white people
to keep Negroes, as they were then called, from gaining political
power. One of Buckley’s best-remembered editorials of the sixties
took this position emphatically. During the Eichmann trial in
1961, the unreconstructed NR lamented "Jewish vengefulness"
and the harmful effect that this alleged German-bashing would
have on the "struggle against Communism."
Only God
knows what Frum (or perhaps Novak) would say about us paleos if
we sounded like the old Bill Buckley, before he was taken over
by the neocon body-snatchers! And on the subject of the unpatriotic
American Right, what about this statement, ostensibly on white
identity politics, that Jonah Goldberg placed on NROnline: "After
all the United States took land from the British. And, no matter
how you slice it, America’s claim to Texas and the Southwest is
certainly far less compelling than Israel’s to its land. When
European Jews not already living in Palestine arrived there after
World War II, the area was largely empty. Meanwhile, when colonists
came to North America, they had no historic claim to the land
whatsoever and, besides, it was occupied."
This last
assertion is so unmistakably stupid that Goldberg should be "envious,"
as he told us in a recent blog, of Frum’s relatively elegant polemics.
For the record: Arabs were far more densely present in Palestine
and stood at a higher level of civilization when Jewish settlers
arrived there from Europe than were those 3 to 3.5 million Amerindians
who were roaming North America when the European settlers came.
The pristine character of Palestine when the Jewish settlers arrived
is even more questionable than the image of American pioneers
building their homes on totally uninhabited American land. But
why would a "conservative" and "patriot" sound
like the Nation in challenging the American claim to what
is now American territory, while pushing a chauvinistic Israeli
fiction that most sensible Israelis have rejected?
Shall we
try to guess? The answer, I would submit, is not that Goldberg
and his fellow-neocons are real or wannabe agents of the Israeli
government. I doubt such an explanation can account for why Frum
this morning announced on public radio that the US must revolutionize
Iran, because women there are being "punished for wearing
lip stick." The neocons are serious about their doctrine
of permanent modernizing revolution spearheaded from Washington,
quite independently of their commitment to the Israeli Right.
Moreover, their place of origin and activity is in this part of
the world and not in the Middle East; and their chief sponsors
have been those who enabled the neocons to take over the American
Right. It is these enablers, and not Mr. Sharon, who produced
the American conservative debacle. This disaster on the Right
has now morphed into something even worse that is polluting the
entire body politic. Bob Novak’s attempt to protect himself from
being identified with those who have noticed the problem will
help neither his moral reputation nor his journalistic credibility.
March
28, 2003