Lew Rockwell
got it right when he introduced David
Corn’s commentary for The Nation (November 11) by explaining
that Corn was "defending his fellow social democrats [the
neocons]." Corn emphatically rejects Ronald Radosh’s statements
about a "convergence" between the anti-war Left and
the isolationist Right. He also showers contempt on Buchanan’s
talk about the need to "deneoconize" the American Right.
Corn compares that to Buchanan’s unsuccessful bids for the presidency
and to his dubious attempts to promote "cultural wars."
The Nation
may be sending the paleos an unmistakable warning. The Left,
which is a multicultural big-government force, is not looking
for allies on our side of the aisle. It is happy with the current
arrangements, in which Bill Bennett and Dinesh D’Souza get to
speak for the "Right" while most of the political class
continues to speak for the leftwing social democrats. Although
there may be occasional intramural bickering, e.g., among the
various Middle East factions or about how far to push the feminist
agenda or socialized medicine, leftists are content to disagree
among themselves while consigning our guys to the outer
reaches of Hell.
By this
stage of the game, you would think that all right-wingers would
see the picture. But they don’t and still dream of grand alliances
that will stretch across the ideological chasm. There are, in
my opinion, two reasons for this persistent illusion. One, some
of those on our side have personal ambitions and are susceptible
to the hope that they can make friends with influential leftists
by stressing a few overlapping opinions. Unfortunately the political
world doesn’t work that way. The Left hates us viscerally, the
way Nazis hated Jews, even if Hitlerites were willing to negotiate
with Zionist representatives to make Europe "Judenrein."
Sucking up to powerful leftist literati won’t change this situation,
as Corn’s fevered attempt to find evidence of fascist (or Pinochetite)
tendencies in Buchanan’s anti-war polemics amply demonstrates.
Two, some
on our side are driven by an understandable desire to fight the
political establishment with well-positioned allies. Thus Murray
Rothbard and Leonard Liggio, who could never be reasonably accused
of compromising their beliefs, tried to build an alliance in the
sixties and seventies with leftist opponents of the warfare state.
Nothing much came of this enterprise, except for a few scholarly
ventures most notably with the pre-neocon Ronald Radosh, and as
far as I know, this alliance-building was subsequently abandoned
by the Right, where it had been taken more seriously than by the
other side. Despite such setbacks, some rightists continue to
hope that the Left will stop slamming the door in their faces.
If only lefties and misnamed liberals would join hands with us,
we would be able to move forward and push the neocons out of their
position in the right-center of a leftward moving spectrum.
This may
happen in one’s imagination but nowhere else. The neocons are
where they are because that’s where the Left wants them to be,
whether or not we and the Left may occasionally agree for different
reasons about some fleeting issue.
The true
strategy for our side is the one that Corn scornfully attributes
to Buchanan, fighting house-by-house to get back our occupied
city. And without allies, that war of attrition will be tough
and (God willing!) ugly, too ugly for the girly boys who appear
on TV with air-blown hair to push this country into war. Those
media types are the preferred debating partners for David Corn
and others like him. On the social and most political issues,
they can at least agree to disagree, unlike a harder Right or
a libertarian movement, which yearns to junk anti-discrimination
laws, entitlements, liberal immigration, and other marks of leftist
progress. On the things that really count, like an all-controlling
centralized managerial regime, David Corn and Bill Kristol have
far more in common with each other than either does with our side.
October
31, 2002