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Speaking
of Liberty • By Llewellyn H. Rockwell, Jr. • Ludwig von Mises
Institute, 2003 • 471 pages
A great many
people have learned from Mises and Rothbard, but Lew Rockwell belongs
to a much more select class: he has developed their thought in an
original way. His essay, "The Economics of Discrimination," included
in the present collection of Rockwell's speeches and articles, stands
as an especially impressive contribution.
Through a well-known
argument, Mises showed that interventions in the free market could
quickly lead to full-scale socialism. Suppose, to take a familiar
example, that the state institutes price controls on milk, in an
effort to help the impoverished. The result will be a shortage,
precisely the opposite of the program's aim.
What then is
to be done? The interventionists can come to their senses and abandon
their misguided interference. If they do not, they must proceed
to further interventions.
To attempt
to remedy the shortage, they may impose further controls. If the
costs of production to milk retailers are lowered, will not the
shortage disappear? Such efforts are of course futile, and planners
must again confront the same choice as before: back to the free
market or forward to more controls.
All readers
of Mises will recognize the argument that I have just paraphrased
from "Middle-of-the-Road Policy Leads to Socialism," but Rockwell
has found an illuminating parallel to it. Mises's contention, he
shows, applies also to laws that forbid discrimination. The 1964
Civil Rights Act, its proponents claimed, did not tell employers
whom they could hire. It merely forbade them from refusing to hire
someone on grounds of race and a few other categories.
But so taken,
the law would inevitably have failed to achieve its purpose. What
employer in his right mind would tell an applicant, "I'm rejecting
you because I don't like people of your race"? The employer has
only to invent a plausible excuse for rejecting those whom he dislikes,
and he may discriminate as much as he wishes.
To block him,
must not the state impose further restrictions? It will require
employers to hire specific numbers of the groups it holds to be
disadvantaged.
If an owner
is forbidden to discriminate in hiring on grounds of sex or
race, the government can only discover a violation of the law
by looking at who is hired. This compels active discrimination
against people on grounds of their sex and race. It is a zero
sum game, where one person's winnings come from another's losses.
(p. 100)
Rockwell's
development of Mises's argument reflects his careful study of that
great economist. Rockwell often calls attention to details not usually
stressed. Everyone knows that Mises showed that economic calculation
under socialism is impossible; but how many are aware that Mises
was also a pioneering critic of socialized medicine?
Mises called
attention to a crucial feature of systems that separate the benefits
of medical programs from their costs. Rockwell summarizes his key
insight in this way:
Because
there is no clear line between sickness and health, and where
you stand on the continuum is bound up with individual choice,
the more medical services are provided by the State as a part
of welfare, the more the programs reinforce the conditions that
bring about the need to make use of them.…Socialized medicine
must fail for the same reason all socialism must fail: it offers
no system for rationally allocating resources, and instead promotes
the overutilization of all resources, ending in bankruptcy.
(p. 116)
Rockwell uses
a detail in the work of Friedrich Hayek to make another point of
vital importance in the struggle for the free market. Opponents
of the free market sometimes disguise their plans. Claiming to be
defenders of economic freedom, they promote schemes inimical to
the free market. For instance, in Orwellian fashion, plans for control
of trade by international bureaucracies come packaged as "free trade."
Rockwell notes that Hayek warned against this threat:
As F.A.
Hayek wrote in the neglected conclusion to his 1944 book, The
Road
to Serfdom: "If international economic relations, instead
of being between individuals, become relations between whole
nations organized as trading bodies, they will inevitably become
the source of friction and envy." (p. 144)
To use Hayek
against NAFTA is indeed a stroke that would have occurred to few.
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