The
question posed by the title of this book raises a further question,
as the authors are well aware. If the Constitution is indeed dead,
why does this matter? American conservatives have in past days
been accused of "Constitution worship": why should we
care whether actions of the government conform to this particular
legal document? Woods and Gutzman respond that the Constitution
provides a way to limit the government. It is far from the best
conceivable arrangement; but while we stand under its legal authority,
we should use it as a weapon against the state's continual grasp
for power.
They put
the point with characteristic force:
To
be sure, our federal government has perverted beyond recognition
the system that the Founding Fathers created. The chief restraint
on government officials is merely their sense of what they can
get away with. Nonetheless, the Constitution can still serve a
purpose, as it remains a useful bludgeon to employ against government
power grabs. By calling attention to what the Constitution really
says, we can alert the people to just how consistently and dramatically
their fundamental law has been betrayed. (p. 202)
Woods and
Gutzman have selected twelve cases to illustrate this disregard
of the Constitution. By no means are all of these examples of
judicial misconduct; the legislative and executive branches have
been as least as guilty as the judicial in seeking to enhance
government power.
One instance
of what we are up against took place immediately after World War
I. In 1917, Congress passed the Espionage Act and in the following
year, the Sedition Act. These forbade with heavy criminal penalties
attempts to interfere with the American war effort, especially
with recruitment of troops. Under this harsh legislation, many
people were imprisoned, including the famous socialist Eugene
V. Debs, who ran for the presidency in 1920 from his jail cell.
The legislation
blatantly violated the text of the Constitution. The First Amendment
states that "Congress shall make no law
abridging
the freedom of speech"; and as Justice Hugo Black liked to
say, "'no law' means 'no law'." Congress had earlier
violated the First Amendment with the Sedition Act of 1798; but
along with the Alien Act of the same year, it was repudiated by
Thomas Jefferson and was generally regarded as a disaster. Nevertheless,
the Supreme Court said that the Espionage Act was constitutional.