Murray Rothbard’s Favorite Books
by
David Gordon
by David Gordon
Few scholars
approach Murray Rothbard’s immense learning in economics, history,
politics, and philosophy. From all the books he read, Rothbard singled
out a few that had most influenced him. His list, together with
brief comments, is contained in a letter, dated January 24, 1994,
with the heading "Books That Formed Me." The list tells
us much about this remarkable mind.
As all readers
of Rothbard know, he wrote in a sparkling, punchy style, ever alert
to take the battle to the enemy. Here his model was H. L. Mencken,
who he calls "my favorite single writer as a writer."
He mentions in particular the collection A
Mencken Chrestomathy, which he terms "a hilarious blockbuster."
Mencken combined "social wit and libertarian social analysis,"
and this is just what Rothbard aimed at in his own work. Mencken
wrote with clarity and force, in contrast with the woolly circumlocutions
of most mainstream "social scientists." One of the worst
offenders in this regard was Thorstein Veblen; and Rothbard found
Mencken’s mordant demolition of Veblen, both as thinker and stylist,
to be "one of the funniest and most perceptive essays on social
science ever written."
Mencken wrote
from an explicitly libertarian point of view, a fact that figured
strongly in Rothbard’s admiration for him. He called attention to
"Mencken’s marvelous essay on ‘The Nature of Liberty’ in one
of the Prejudices,
a very funny story dissecting how the courts have weakened the right
of free speech and personal liberty. (And this in the 1920s!)"
Another writer
rivaled Mencken in wit. Rothbard rated S.J. Perelman "an incomparable
humorist. . . . No one was as funny a linguist and as masterly in
twisting and inverting clichés. See, in particular, in The
Best of S. J., the parodies of Odets (‘Waiting for Santy’),
of Dostoevsky, of Maugham, of tough-guy detective stories, and of
science fiction."
Given his liking
for witty dialogue, it is no surprise that he thought Oscar Wilde’s
The
Importance of being Earnest "the perfect play."
He also liked George Bernard Shaw’s Major
Barbara and In Good
King Charles’s Olden Days.
Rothbard says
that his "major interest in fiction is espionage fiction"
He recommended John Buchan’s The
39 Steps and Greenmantle;
these "pioneered, and are still among the best of the genre."
But his taste in fiction ranged more widely, and he liked Kurt Vonnegut’s
Harrison Bergeron, a "scintillating satire attacking
egalitarianism"; Philip Roth’s Goodbye,
Columbus and Portnoy’s
Complaint; and John Dos Passos’s The
Grand Design, "a bitter anti-New Deal novel from Dos
Passos’s right-wing period." In poetry, he "blushed to
say" that there was only one item on his list: "e.e. cummings,
‘i sing of olaf,’ a powerful libertarian indictment of the State’s
oppression of an anti-war individualist."
Of course Rothbard
was not primarily a literary critic, and he concentrated his recommendations
on works of economics, political theory, and American history. In
economics, he confines himself to one name: Ludwig von Mises. He
describes Human
Action as "a monumental work; in economic theory and
in political economy, it had the greatest single influence on me."
Mises’s Theory
of Money and Credit is a "superb work of monetary and
banking theory." Rothbard’s great work Man,
Economy, and State was the foremost product of Mises’s influence
on him; it developed and extended the economics of Human Action.
Rothbard’s
thought combined, in an original way, Austrian economics with individualist
anarchism; and in his recommendations on libertarian thought, the
nineteenth-century anarchists occupy the foremost place. Lysander
Spooner’s No
Treason, Number 6: The
Constitution of No Authority is "arguably the greatest
case for anarchist political philosophy ever written." When
one thinks of Spooner, his colleague Benjamin Tucker at once comes
to mind. Rothbard called Tucker’s Instead
of a Book "a classic of individualist anarchism by
an ‘unterrified Jeffersonian democrat.’"
Individualist
anarchism is hardly a mainstream position, and Rothbard approached
it gradually. He was first influenced by William Graham Sumner’s
What
Social Classes Owe to Each Other, "the first libertarian
work I read." Here Sumner introduced the "forgotten man,"
the person who is compelled to pay for the "humanitarian"
schemes of social reformers. Rothbard calls Sumner’s discussion
of the forgotten man a "brief and magnificent essay."
Sumner’s views closely followed Herbert Spencer, and Rothbard accordingly
recommends Spencer’s Social
Statics.
For individualists
of Rothbard’s stripe, the State stands foremost as an obstacle to
liberty. How has it arisen? Far from being a social necessity, the
State is "born in oppression and the creator of ‘class conflict’."
The foremost academic defense of this view of the State was the
great German sociologist Franz Oppenheimer’s The
State. Oppenheimer "provided the groundwork" for
a classic of twentieth-century libertarianism, Albert Jay Nock’s
Our
Enemy the State, which Rothbard calls "scintillating."
He also mentions Nock’s "culturally conservative" Memoirs
of a Superfluous Man."
Nock was a
disciple of Oppenheimer; and Nock in turn had a follower, Frank
Chodorov, who was a close friend of Rothbard’s. His essay Taxation
is Robbery "had a strong influence on me"; also
important is his Don’t Buy Bonds.
However important
the individualist anarchists, political theory did not begin with
them. The anarchist view develops strands in the thought of John
Locke, whose Second
Treatise on Government is "the classic." Rothbard
calls Spooner an "anarcho-Lockean."
If the State
is as malignant an institution as Rothbard believes, why do most
people obey its commands? Rothbard finds the answer in Étienne de
la Boétie’s Discourse
on Voluntary Servitude. This work argued that the power
of the State rests on voluntary popular obedience, based on illusory
beliefs. Rothbard says that "this samizdat essay by the mid-16th-century
Frenchman was perhaps the first work of libertarian political philosophy
ever written."
But if obedience
rests on false beliefs, a further question arises. How have these
false beliefs been inculcated in the popular imagination? Here Rothbard
ascribes prime significance to the intellectuals, who have for the
most part acted as pliant defenders of State power. He recommends
Bertrand de Jouvenel’s On
Power;
this shows "how State intellectuals have twisted every concept
designed to checking the State, turning it into an instrument of
state aggrandizement." Isabel Paterson described this mentality
with great force in her essay "The Humanitarian With the Guillotine,"
and Rothbard recommends her The
God of the Machine, which contains this essay, among much
else.
Much of Rothbard’s
work applied his insights in economic and political theory to American
history. His great series Conceived
in Liberty stresses the libertarian nature of the American
Revolution. Of principal importance to the revolutionaries was Cato’s
Letters, "radical libertarian Lockean newspaper articles
in the 1720s in London that deeply influenced America and the American
revolutionaries." Rothbard recommended David Jacobsen, ed.,
The
English Libertarian Heritage, which contains selections
from these Letters. (Ronald Hamowy, a close friend of Rothbard,
has edited a full scholarly edition of the Letters.) Bernard Bailyn
has been principally responsible for bringing the importance of
the radical Whigs for the American Revolution to the attention of
American historians, and Rothbard recommended his The
Ideological Origins of the American Revolution.
Unfortunately,
the promise of the American Revolution was not fulfilled in subsequent
American history. The Jeffersonians, who supported the radical libertarian
principles of the revolution, encountered much opposition from those
who sought a powerful centralized government. Joseph Dorfman, Rothbard’s
dissertation adviser, wrote a "seminal essay" on Jefferson
in the first volume of his The
Economic Mind in American Civilization. Rothbard calls the
whole work "an erudite compilation" and says that Volumes
One to Three are "especially important." One of the foremost
nineteenth-century works defending a Jeffersonian view of American
government was John C. Calhoun’s A
Disquisition on Government. Rothbard calls it "a brilliant
work of both libertarian theory and defense of the South and of
really ‘strict construction’ of the Constitution."
For nineteenth
century American history, a key to Rothbard’s interpretation was
the struggle between postmillennial Pietists and their liberty-loving
opponents. He found in the former group the ancestors of the Progressives,
with the desire to mold people in their image. He thought highly
of Paul Kleppner’s The
Cross of Culture, "among the first, and the most lucid,
of the ‘ethnoreligious’ interpretation of the American political
party struggles of the nineteenth century."
Probably the
foremost blow to the American tradition of freedom in the twentieth
century was Woodrow Wilson’s decision to enter World War I. "The
definitive work on how and why the United States entered World War
I" is America
Goes to War, by the great diplomatic historian Charles Callan
Tansill. Another vital book on this topic is Edwin M. Borchard and
William P. Lage, Neutrality
for the United States. Borchard, "a distinguished Yale
international lawyer" showed that "Britain was far more
disruptive to American shipping and America’s ‘neutrals rights’
than was Germany in World War I."
Rothbard’s
interests ranged even more widely. He disclosed, "one of my
passions is eighteenth-century Baroque (strictly Rococo) churches
in southern Germany and environs. The most accessible book for non-experts
is the enthusiastic work by John Bourke, Baroque
Churches of Central Europe."
Copyright ©
2007 LewRockwell.com
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