Murray Rothbard’s Favorite Books
by
David Gordon
by David Gordon
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Few
scholars approach Murray Rothbard’s immense learning in economics,
history, politics, and philosophy. From all the books he read, Rothbard
singled out a few that had most influenced him. His list, together
with brief comments, is contained in a letter, dated January 24,
1994, with the heading "Books That Formed Me." The list
tells us much about this remarkable mind.
As all readers of Rothbard know, he wrote in a sparkling, punchy
style, ever alert to take the battle to the enemy. Here his model
was H. L. Mencken, who he calls "my favorite single writer
as a writer." He mentions in particular the collection A
Mencken Chrestomathy, which he terms "a hilarious blockbuster."
Mencken combined "social wit and libertarian social analysis,"
and this is just what Rothbard aimed at in his own work. Mencken
wrote with clarity and force, in contrast with the woolly circumlocutions
of most mainstream "social scientists." One of the worst
offenders in this regard was Thorstein Veblen; and Rothbard found
Mencken’s mordant demolition of Veblen, both as thinker and stylist,
to be "one of the funniest and most perceptive essays on social
science ever written."
Mencken wrote from an explicitly libertarian point of view, a fact
that figured strongly in Rothbard’s admiration for him. He called
to attention to "Mencken’s marvelous essay on ‘The Nature of
Liberty’ in one of the Prejudices,
a very funny story dissecting how the courts have weakened the right
of free speech and personal liberty. (And this in the 1920s!)"
Another writer rivaled Mencken in wit. Rothbard rated S.J. Perelman
"an incomparable humorist. . . No one was as funny a linguist
and as masterly in twisting and inverting clichés. See, in
particular, in The
Best of S. J., the parodies of Odets (‘Waiting for Santy’),
of Dostoevsky, of Maugham, of tough-guy detective stories, and of
science fiction."
Given his liking for witty dialogue, it is no surprise that he
thought Oscar Wilde’s The
Importance of being Earnest "the perfect play."
He also liked George Bernard Shaw’s Major
Barbara and In Good
King Charles’s Olden Days.
Rothbard says that his "major interest in fiction is espionage
fiction" He recommended John Buchan’s The
39 Steps and Greenmantle;
these "pioneered, and are still among the best of the genre."
But his taste in fiction ranged more widely, and he liked Kurt Vonnegut’s
Harrison Bergeron, a "scintillating satire attacking
egalitarianism"; Philip Roth’s Goodbye, Columbus
and Portnoy’s
Complaint; and John Dos Passos’s The
Grand Design, "a bitter anti-New Deal novel from Dos
Passos’s right-wing period." In poetry, he "blushed to
say" that there was only one item on his list: "e.e. cummings,
‘i sing of olaf,’ a powerful libertarian indictment of the State’s
oppression of an anti-war individualist."
Of course Rothbard was not primarily a literary critic, and he
concentrated his recommendations on works of economics, political
theory, and American history. In economics, he confines himself
to one name: Ludwig von Mises. He describes Human
Action as "a monumental work; in economic theory and
in political economy, it had the greatest single influence on me."
Mises’s Theory
of Money and Credit is a "superb work of monetary and
banking theory." Rothbard’s great work Man,
Economy, and State was the foremost product of Mises’s influence
on him; it developed and extended the economics of Human Action.
Rothbard’s thought combined, in an original way, Austrian economics
with individualist anarchism; and in his recommendations on libertarian
thought, the nineteenth century anarchists occupy the foremost place.
Lysander Spooner’s No
Treason, Number 6: The
Constitution of No Authority is "arguably the greatest
case for anarchist political philosophy ever written." When
one thinks of Spooner, his colleague Benjamin Tucker at once comes
to mind. Rothbard called Tucker’s Instead
of a Book "a classic of individualist anarchism by
an ‘unterrified Jeffersonian democrat.’"
Individualist anarchism is hardly a mainstream position, and Rothbard
approached it gradually. He was first influenced by William Graham
Sumner’s What
Social Classes Owe to Each Other, "the first libertarian
work I read." Here Sumner introduced the "forgotten man,"
the person who is compelled to pay for the "humanitarian"
schemes of social reformers. Rothbard calls Sumner’s discussion
of the forgotten man a "brief and magnificent essay."
Sumner’s views closely followed Herbert Spencer, and Rothbard accordingly
recommends Spencer’s Social
Statics.
For individualists of Rothbard’s stripe, the State stands foremost
as an obstacle to liberty. How has it arisen? Far from being a social
necessity, the State is "born in oppression and the creator
of ‘class conflict’." The foremost academic defense of this
view of the State was the great German sociologist Franz Oppenheimer’s
The
State. Oppenheimer "provided the groundwork" for
a classic of twentieth-century libertarianism, Albert Jay Nock’s
Our
Enemy the State, which Rothbard calls "scintillating."
He also mentions Nock’s "culturally conservative" Memoirs
of a Superfluous Man."
Nock was a disciple of Oppenheimer; and Nock in turn had a follower,
Frank Chodorov, who was a close friend of Rothbard’s. His essay
Taxation is Robbery
"had a strong influence on me"; also important is his
Don’t Buy Bonds.
However important the individualist anarchists, political theory
did not begin with them. The anarchist view develops strands in
the thought of John Locke, whose Second
Treatise on Government is "the classic." Rothbard
calls Spooner an "anarcho-Lockean."
If the State is as malignant an institution as Rothbard believes,
why do most people obey its commands? Rothbard finds the answer
in Étienne de la Boétie’s Discourse
on Voluntary Servitude. This work argued that the power
of the State rests on voluntary popular obedience, based on illusory
beliefs. Rothbard says that "this samizdat essay by the mid-16th
century Frenchman was perhaps the first work of libertarian political
philosophy ever written."
But if obedience rests on false beliefs, a further question arises.
How have these false beliefs been inculcated in the popular imagination?
Here Rothbard ascribes prime significance to the intellectuals,
who have for the most part acted as pliant defenders of State power.
He recommends Bertrand de Jouvenel’s On
Power;
this shows "how State intellectuals have twisted every concept
designed to checking the State, turning it into an instrument of
state aggrandizement." Isabel Paterson described this mentality
with great force in her essay "The Humanitarian With the Guillotine,"
and Rothbard recommends her The
God of the Machine, which contains this essay, among much
else.
Much of Rothbard’s work applied his insights in economic and political
theory to American history. His great series Conceived
in Liberty stresses the libertarian nature of the American
Revolution. On principal importance to the revolutionaries was "Cato’s
Letters, "radical libertarian Lockean newspaper articles
in the 1720s in London that deeply influenced America and the American
revolutionaries." Rothbard recommended David Jacobsen, ed.
The
English Libertarian Heritage, which contains selections
from these Letters. (Ronald Hamowy, a close friend of Rothbard,
has edited a full scholarly edition of the Letters.) Bernard Bailyn
has been principally responsible for bringing the importance of
the radical Whigs for the American Revolution to the attention of
American historians, and Rothbard recommended his The
Ideological Origins of the American Revolution.
Unfortunately, the promise of the American Revolution was not fulfilled
in subsequent American history. The Jeffersonians, who supported
the radical libertarian principles of the revolution, encountered
much opposition from those who sought a powerful centralized government.
Joseph Dorfman, Rothbard’s dissertation adviser, wrote a "seminal
essay" on Jefferson in the first volume of his The
Economic Mind in American Civilization. Rothbard calls the
whole work "an erudite compilation" and says that Volumes
One to Three are "especially important." One of the foremost
nineteenth-century works defending a Jeffersonian view of American
government was John C. Calhoun’s A
Disquisition on Government. Rothbard calls it "a brilliant
work of both libertarian theory and defense of the South and of
really ‘strict construction’ of the Constitution."
For nineteenth century American history, a key to Rothbard’s interpretation
was the struggle between postmillennial Pietists and their liberty-loving
opponents. He found in the former group the ancestors of the Progressives,
with the desire to mold people in their image. He thought highly
of Paul Kleppner’s The
Cross of Culture, "among the first, and the most lucid,
of the ‘ethnoreligious’ interpretation of the American political
party struggles of the nineteenth century."
Probably the foremost blow to the American tradition of freedom
in the twentieth century was Woodrow Wilson’s decision to enter
World War I. "The definitive work on how and why the United
States entered World War I" is America
Goes to War, by the great diplomatic historian Charles Callan
Tansill. Another vital book on this topic is Edwin M. Borchard and
William P. Lage, Neutrality
for the United States. Borchard, "a distinguished Yale
international lawyer" showed that "Britain was far more
disruptive to American shipping and America’s ‘neutrals rights’
than was Germany in World War I."
Rothbard’s
interests ranged even more widely. He disclosed, "one of my
passions is eighteenth century Baroque (strictly Rococo) churches
in southern Germany and environs. The most accessible book for non-experts
is the enthusiastic work by John Bourke, Baroque
Churches of Central Europe."
Copyright ©
2007 LewRockwell.com
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