Are Afghan Lives Worth Anything?
by
Tom
Engelhardt
by Tom Engelhardt
Recently
by Tom Engelhardt: The
Ir-Af-Pak War
Will What
We Don't Know (or Care to Know) Hurt Us?
Mourning Michael Jackson, Ignoring the Afghan Dead
It was a blast.
I'm talking about my daughter's wedding. You don't often see a child
of yours quite that happy. I'm no party animal, but I danced my
64-year-old legs off. And I can't claim that, as I walked my daughter
to the ceremony, or ate, or talked with friends, or simply sat back
and watched the young and energetic enjoy themselves, I thought
about those Afghan wedding celebrations where the "blast" isn't
metaphorical, where the bride, the groom, the partygoers in the
midst of revelry die.
In the two
weeks since, however, that's been on my mind or rather the
lack of interest our world shows in dead civilians from a distant
imperial war and all because of a passage I stumbled upon
in a striking article by journalist Anand Gopal. In "Uprooting an
Afghan Village" in the June issue of the Progressive magazine,
he writes about Garloch, an Afghan village he visited in the eastern
province of Laghman. After destructive American raids, Gopal tells
us, many of its desperate inhabitants simply packed up and left
for exile in Afghan or Pakistani refugee camps.
One early
dawn in August 2008, writes Gopal, American helicopters first descended
on Garloch for a six-hour raid:
"The
Americans claim there were gunshots as they left. The villagers
deny it. Regardless, American bombers swooped by the village just
after the soldiers left and dropped a payload on one house. It belonged
to Haiji Qadir, a pole-thin, wizened old man who was hosting
more than forty relatives for a wedding party. The bomb split
the house in two, killing sixteen, including twelve from Qadir's
family, and wounding scores more... The malek [chief] went to the
province's governor and delivered a stern warning: protect our villagers
or we will turn against the Americans."
That passage
caught my eye because, to the best of my knowledge, I'm the only
person in the U.S. who has tried
to keep track of the wedding parties wiped out, in whole or
part, by American military action since the Bush administration
invaded Afghanistan in November 2001. With Gopal's report from Garloch,
that number, by my count, has reached five (only three of which
are well documented in print).
The first
occurred in December of that invasion year when a B-52 and two B-1B
bombers, wielding precision-guided weapons, managed, according
to reports, to wipe out 110 out of 112 revelers in another small
Afghan village. At least one Iraqi wedding party near the Syrian
border was also eviscerated
by U.S. planes back in 2004. Soon after that slaughter, responding
to media inquiries, an American general asked: "How many people
go to the middle of the desert... to hold a wedding 80 miles from
the nearest civilization?" Later, in what passed for an acknowledgment
of the incident, another American general said:
"Could there have been a celebration of some type going on?... Certainly.
Bad guys have celebrations." Case closed.
Perhaps over
the course of an almost eight-year war in Afghanistan, the toll
in wedding parties may seem modest: not even one a year! But before
we settle for that figure, evidently so low it's not worth a headline
in this country, let's keep in mind that there's no reason to believe:
- I've seen
every article in English that, in passing, happens to mention
an Afghan wedding slaughter the one Gopal notes, for instance,
seems to have gotten no other coverage; or
- that other
wedding slaughters haven't been recorded in languages I can't
read; or
- that, in
the rural Pashtun backlands, some U.S. attacks on wedding celebrants
might not have made it into news reports anywhere.
In fact, no
one knows how many weddings rare celebratory moments in an
Afghan world that, for three decades, has had little to celebrate
have been taken out by U.S. planes or raids, or a combination
of the two.
Turning
the Page on the Past
After the
Obama administration took office and the new president doubled
down the American bet on the Afghan War, there was a certain
amount of anxious chatter in the punditocracy (and even
in the military) about Afghanistan being "the graveyard of empires."
Of course, no one in Washington was going to admit that the U.S.
is just such an empire, only that we may suffer the fate of empires
past.
When it comes
to wedding parties, though, there turn out to be some similarities
to the empire under the last Afghan gravestone. The Soviet Union
was, of course, defeated in Afghanistan by some of the very
jihadists the U.S. is now fighting, thanks to generous
support from the CIA,
the Saudis, and Pakistan's intelligence services. It withdrew from
that country in defeat in 1989, and went over its own cliff in 1991.
As it happens, the Russians, too, evidently made it a habit to knock
off Afghan wedding parties, though we have no tally of how many
or how regularly.
Reviewing
a book on the Soviet-Afghan War for the Washington Monthly,
Christian Caryl wrote
recently:
"One
Soviet soldier recalls an instance in 1987 when his unit opened
fire on what they took to be a 'mujaheddin caravan.' The Russians
soon discovered that they had slaughtered a roving wedding party
on its way from one village to another a blunder that soon,
all too predictably, inspired a series of revenge attacks on the
Red Army troops in the area. This undoubtedly sounds wearily familiar
to U.S. and NATO planners (and Afghan government officials) struggling
to contain the effects from the 'collateral damage' that is often
cited today as one of the major sources of the West's political
problems in the country."
And, by the
way, don't get me started on that gloomy companion rite to the wedding
celebration: the funeral. Even I haven't been counting those, but
that doesn't mean the U.S. and its allies haven't been knocking
off funeral parties in Afghanistan
(and recently, via a CIA drone aircraft, in Pakistan
as well).
Following
almost two weeks in which the U.S. (and global) media went berserk
over the death of one man, in which NBC, for instance, devoted all
but about five minutes of one of its prime-time half-hour news broadcasts
to nothing and I mean nothing but the death
of Michael Jackson, in which the President of the United States
sent
a condolence letter to the Jackson family (and was faulted for
not having moved more quickly), in which 1.6 million people registered
for a chance to get one of 17,500 free tickets to his memorial service...
well, why go on? Unless you've been competing in isolation in the
next round of Survivor, or are somehow without a TV, or possibly
any modern means of communication, you simply can't avoid knowing
the rest.
You'd have
to make a desperate effort not to know that Michael Jackson (until
recently excoriated by the media) had died, and you'd have to make
a similarly desperate effort to know that we've knocked off one
wedding party after another these last years in Afghanistan. One
of these deaths Jackson's really has little to do
with us; the others are, or should be, our responsibility, part
of an endless war the American people have either supported or not
stopped from continuing. And yet one is a screaming global headline;
the others go unnoticed.
You'd think
there might, in fact, be room for a small headline somewhere. Didn't
those brides,
grooms, relatives, and revelers deserve at least one modest, collective
corner of some front-page or a story on some prime-time news show
in return for their needless suffering? You'd think that some president
or high official in Washington might have sent a note of condolence
to someone, that there might have been a rising tide of criticism
about the slow response here in expressing regrets to the families
of Afghans who died under our bombs and missiles.
Here's the
truth of it, though: When it comes to Afghan lives especially
if we think, correctly or not, that our safety is involved
it doesn't matter whether five wedding parties or 50 go down, two
funerals or 25. Our media isn't about to focus real attention on
the particular form of barbarity involved the American air
war over Afghanistan which has been a war of and for,
not on, terror.
Now, we're
embarked on a new moment the Obama moment in Afghanistan.
More than seven-and-a-half years into the war, in a truly American
fashion, we're ready to turn the page on the past, to pretend that
none of it really happened, to do it "right" this time around. We're
finally going to bring the Afghans over to our side.
We're ready
to light out for the territories and start all over again. American
troops are now moving south in force, deep into the Pashtun (and
Taliban) areas of Afghanistan, and their commanders a passel
of new generals are speaking as one from a new script. It's
all about conducting a "holistic counterinsurgency campaign," as
new Afghan commander General
Stanley A. McChrystal put it in
Congressional testimony recently. It's all about "hearts and
minds" (though that old Vietnam-era phrase has yet to be resuscitated).
It's all about, they say, "protecting civilians" rather than killing
Taliban guerrillas; it's all about shaping,
clearing, holding, building, not just landing, kicking in doors,
and taking off again; it's all about new "rules of engagement" in
which the air war will be limited, and attacks
on the Taliban curbed or called off if it appears that they might
endanger civilians (even if that means the guerrillas get away);
it's all about reversing the tide of the war so far, about the fact
that civilian casualties caused by air attacks and raids have turned
large numbers of Afghans against American and NATO troops.
The commander
of the Marines just now heading south, Brigadier General Larry Nicholson,
typically said
this:
"We
need to make sure we understand that the reason we're here is not
necessarily the enemy. The reason we're here is the people. What
won the war in al-Anbar province [Iraq] and what changed the war
in al-Anbar was not that the enemy eventually got tired of fighting.
It's that the people chose a side, and they chose us... We'll surround
that house and we'll wait. And here's the reason: If you drop that
house and there's one woman, one child, one family in that house
you may have killed 20 Taliban, but by killing that woman
or that child in that house, you have lost that community. You are
dead to them. You are done."
The Value
of a Life
As it happens,
however, the past matters and keep this in mind (it's what
the wedding-party-obliteration record tells us): To Americans, an
Afghan life isn't worth a red cent, not when the chips are down.
Back in the
Vietnam era, General William Westmoreland, interviewed by movie
director Peter Davis for his Oscar-winning film Hearts
and Minds, famously said:
"The Oriental doesn't put the same high price on life as does a
Westerner. Life is plentiful. Life is cheap in the Orient."
In those years,
there were many in the U.S., including Davis, who insisted very
publicly that a Vietnamese life had the same value as an American
one. In the years of the Afghan War, Americans our media
and, by its relative silence, the public as well turned Westmoreland's
statement into a way of life as well as a way of war. As one perk
of that way of life, most Americans have been able to pretend that
our war in Afghanistan has nothing to do with us and Michael
Jackson's death, everything.
So
he dies and our world goes mad. An Afghan wedding party, or five
of them, are wiped off the face of the Earth and even a shrug is
too much effort.
Here's a question
then: Will what we don't know (or don't care to know) hurt us? I'm
unsure whether the more depressing answer is yes or no. As it happens,
I have no answer to that question anyway, only a bit of advice
not for us, but for Afghans: If, as General McChrystal and other
top military figures expect, the Afghan War and its cross-border
sibling in Pakistan go on for another three or four or five years
or more, no matter what script we're going by, no matter what we
say, believe me, we'll call in the planes. So if I were you, I wouldn't
celebrate another marriage, not in a group, not in public, and I'd
bury my dead very, very privately.
If you gather,
after all, we will come.
Note:
I documented as fully as I could the previous Afghan wedding slaughters
in "The Wedding
Crashers: A Short Till-Death-Do-Us-Part History of Bush's Wars"
(July 2008). And here's a selection of TomDispatch pieces on related
subjects, if you're interested in reading more: "Slaughter,
Lies, and Video in Afghanistan" (September 2008), "What
Price Slaughter?" (May 2007), "The
Billion-Dollar Gravestone" (May 2006), "Catch
2,200: 9 Propositions on the U.S. Air War for Terror" (May 2006),
and former U.S. diplomat John Brown's "Our
Indian Wars Are Not Over Yet" (January 2006). You might also
visit filmmaker Robert Greenwald's website Rethink
Afghanistan.
July
8, 2009
Tom
Engelhardt [send him mail]
co-founder
of the Nation Institute's TomDispatch.com, is the co-founder of
the American Empire
Project. His book, The
End of Victory Culture, has recently been updated in a newly
issued edition. He edited, and his work appears in, the first best
of TomDispatch book, The
World According to TomDispatch: America in the New Age of Empire
(Verso), an alternative history of the mad Bush years. To catch
an audio interview in which he discusses our airborne assassins,
click here.
Copyright
© 2009 Tom Engelhardt
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