Bill
Clinton, Conservative of the Future
by
Daniel McCarthy
Imagine
an America where Bill Clinton is considered a mainstream conservative.
An America, indeed, where conservatives model their own ideas and
actions on those of the former President. Sound far-fetched? Just
wait. It might take sixty years but the day is coming when William
Jefferson Clinton will be an hero to the right.
Throughout
his presidency Clinton was perhaps only marginally more popular
among conservatives than Saddam Hussein, that other bugbear of the
90's. Conservative-penned exposes of Clinton corruption were more
than a cottage industry, they were the publishing equivalent of
the Palace of Versailles. All with good reason: Clinton's corruption
and buffoonery were all that they were made out to be, and much
more.
Bill
Clinton was not the first American President to earn such well-deserved
conservative animosity however. Within the same century there had
been an even more corrupt and dangerous man in the Oval Office,
whose popularity was even greater than Clinton's, and whom conservatives
dedicated their lives and livelihoods to fighting. That man was
Franklin Delano Roosevelt.
There
was a time when the right-wing was practically
defined by its opposition to FDR, in much the same way as opposition
to Clinton was characteristic of '90s conservatism. Albert Jay Nock,
later an influence on Bill Buckley and Frank Chodorov, discussed
at length the similarities between Roosevelt's administration and
fascism in the first chapter of Our
Enemy, the State. H.L. Mencken's
assessment of of Roosevelt's character was that "If he became
convinced tomorrow that coming out for cannibalism would get him
the votes he sorely needs, he would begin fattening a missionary
in the White House backyard come Wednesday" and further that Roosevelt
was "the first American to penetrate the real depths of vulgar stupidity."
That
was then. Today, fifty-six years after Roosevelt's death, "America's
Premier Conservative Website" runs
a flattering imitation of FDR's "Four Freedoms." National
Review On-line's Michael Novak doesn't just use this piece
of New Deal propaganda for rhetorical effect; Novak's list includes
the same socialist "freedom from want" that Roosevelt's did. The
right has come a long way from Nock's
verdict on the Four Freedoms: "There is no such thing, four
or forty. Freedom has no plural. Freedom either is, or isn't."
Latter-day
Republican leaders like Ronald
Reagan and Newt Gingrich have spoken highly of FDR, but what's
more significant is the modern right's embrace of Roosevelt's policies.
Consider the right's
fight to save social security. Even the Cato
Institute is in on the act. Today's right is trying to conserve
the very policies most of the Old Right opposed. It's a 180 degree
reversal.
The
right came to cherish FDR and the New Deal within the span of sixty
years, so there's no reason to think it cannot learn to love Clinton
as well. That would be less remarkable than what has happened to
the right's attitude toward Roosevelt. If Clinton's stature on the
right doesn't grow to match Roosevelt's, it will only be because
Clinton achieved less. It might be difficult to imagine conservatives
fighting as hard to save Americorps as they fight to save Social
Security. On the other hand it's not so difficult to imagine them
fighting to save Hillarycare, which is where the creeping socialization
of American medicine is heading.
Every
year conservatism becomes a little less conservative. Every year
the left pushes the boundaries of government out a little bit further,
and the right responds by trying to restore them to last year's
limits. Under these conditions the Clintonization of the right is
inevitable. Government will keep growing and America will become
an increasingly difficult place to raise a family or run a business
but we'll all have become too much like Clinton to
care.
If
the right doesn't want to become like Clinton it has to stop being
like FDR. That's not as easy as it sounds, because it means not
only giving up Social Security and the New Deal, but also the Rooseveltian
"arsenal of democracy." After all, World War II saved the New Deal.
The legitimate functions of government are its vital organs and
they drive its growth. It doesn't do any good to attack the newest
and most controversial functions of government; conservatives must
start with the oldest and most necessary. That’s why the Old Right
was staunchly anti-war.
Unless
we are anti-statist even when the State is most useful and
legitimate, America will continue on its leftward course and
tomorrow's right will embrace Bill Clinton the way today's right
embraces the legacy of Roosevelt.
January
7, 2002
Daniel
McCarthy [send him mail]
is a graduate student in classics at Washington University in St.
Louis.
Copyright
© 2002 LewRockwell.com
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