Irving Kristol,
who identifies himself as the "Godfather" of neoconservativism,
is finally beginning to come clean and admit what neoconservatism
stands for: statism at home and imperialism abroad. He makes this
candid admission in an August 25 article in The Weekly Standard
entitled "The Neoconservative Persuasion."
Congratulating
himself for becoming an "historic" figure (at least
in his own mind) he declares:
[T]he
historical task and political purpose of neoconservativism would
seem to be this: to convert the Republican Party, and American
conservatism in general, against their respective wills,
into a new kind of conservative politics suitable to governing
a modern democracy (emphasis added).
Like all
neocons, Kristol claims to be a champion of democracy, but his
words and actions often contradict this claim. Consider the language
in the above quotation, "against their respective wills."
According to the traditional theory of democracy, the role of
competing ideas in politics is supposedly a matter of persuasion.
Political debates are supposedly aimed at persuading voters
that you are right and your rival is wrong. But Kristol will have
none of this. He is the "Godfather," after all. What
he apparently means by transforming traditional conservatives
against their will is not to attempt to persuade them to become
statists and imperialists like himself, but to intimidate and
censor them by conducting campaigns of character assassination
against anyone who disagrees with the neocon agenda. He means
to purge all dissenters, Stalin style.
This decidedly
un-democratic tactic was on display in David Frum’s National
Review attack ("Unpatriotic Conservatives") on any
and all conservatives who disagree with the neocon agenda of endless
warfare around the globe. Indeed, the neocons are well known for
resorting to personal smears rather than intellectual debate,
beginning with their vicious campaign of character assassination
against the late Mel Bradford when he was nominated by President
Reagan to head the National Endowment for the Humanities in the
early 1980s. That smear campaign established their political modus
operandi.
Kristol claims
that the three biggest neocon idols are Teddy Roosevelt, FDR,
and Ronald Reagan; all other Republican party worthies are "politely
ignored." Teddy Roosevelt, whom the neocons affectionately
call "TR," was simply nuts. Mark Twain, who met him
twice, called him "clearly insane." In any number of
"TR" biographies we learn that after an argument with
his girlfriend as a young man he went home and shot his neighbor’s
dog. When he killed his first buffalo – and his first Spaniard
– he "abandoned himself to complete hysteria," as biographer
Edmund Morris recounts.
While president,
TR would take morning horseback rides through Rock Creek Park
wildly shooting a pistol at tree branches, oblivious to the harm
he might do to residents or houses in the area. He once strung
a wire across the Potomac River so that he could hang on it while
crossing the river because, he said, his wrists needed strengthening.
The TR biographies are filled with similar stories of his asinine
antics.
Like the
neocons, TR was a Lincoln idolater. (His secretary of state was
John Hay, Lincoln’s personal White House secretary). After being
lambasted in the US Senate over the fact that he had launched
a military intervention in the Philippines that costs thousands
of American lives and resulted in an incredible 200,000 Philippine
deaths, Edmund Morris recounts in his latest biography of TR,
Theodore
Rex, how he responded to his senate critics during a Memorial
Day address to aged Union army veterans. The criticisms against
him were invalid, he told the white-bearded veterans of Lincoln’s
army, because the mass killing of Philipinos was for their own
good – its purpose was to spread democracy. Besides, he said,
it was the exact same policy of the sainted Lincoln, so how could
anyone object? Southerners were also killed by the hundreds of
thousands for their own good, according to TR’s logic.
Like the
neocon Lincoln idolaters, TR was a consolidationist who had no
respect for states’ rights – or for constitutional restraints
on government in general. He loathed Jefferson but idolized Lincoln,
naturally. He nationalized millions of acres of land, initiated
numerous antitrust witch hunts that were enormously harmful to
the economy, imposed onerous regulations on railroads that led
many of them into bankruptcy, and responded to the socialist Upton
Sinclair’s book The Jungle by regulating food and drugs.
(FDA drug lag has been proven to have caused hundreds of thousands
of premature deaths due to the inaccessibility of life-saving
drugs available in other countries).
His fellow
Republicans accused him of trying to concentrate all governmental
power in Washington, abolishing state lines, and creating a stifling
bureaucracy to control the population. They were right, of course,
which is why the neocons love TR so much. (Bill Clinton also said
that Teddy Roosevelt was his favorite Republican in all
of American history).
Like Kristol,
Max Boot, Charles Krauthammer, and many other neocons, TR was
infatuated with war and killing. A college friend of his wrote
in 1885 that "he would like above all things to go to war
with some one. He wants to be killing something all the time"
(See Howard K. Beale, Theodore
Roosevelt and the Rise of America to World Power, p. 36).
As president, he constantly announced that America "needed
a war," which is exactly what the neocons of today believe.
War – any war – the neocons tell us, gives us "national unity."
TR was a
statist in domestic policy, a foreign policy imperialist, and
an inveterate warmonger. He was, in other words, the real "Godfather"
of neoconservatism.
As for FDR,
the neocons idolize him as well because the older ones like Kristol
are all former leftists – like FDR – and they have never abandoned
their statist beliefs. Further evidence of this lies in the one
reason Kristol gives for why neocons idolize Ronald Reagan: Although
they had nothing to do with initiating the "Reagan tax cuts,"
neocons supported them because they believed they would spur economic
growth, which in turn would enable them to fully fund the welfare
state. (In this regard California gubernatorial candidate
Arnold Schwarzenegger is a neocon: In his initial press conference
announcing his candidacy he said he wanted to "bring business
back to California" so that the Golden state’s massive welfare
entitlement bureaucracy could be fully funded).
Kristol claims
that democracy used to mean "an inherently turbulent political
regime," but not so once a country becomes prosperous. This
is a breathtakingly absurd proposition. The very existence of
the neocon cabal, at a time of the greatest world prosperity in
history, contradicts it. If the neocons are about anything they
are about political bullying to impose their will on others –
turbulent democracy, in other words. Moreover, in The
Birth of the Transfer Society Terry Anderson and P.J.
Hill discuss how, as the idea of democracy replaced individual
liberty as the reason for government in the post-1865 era, politics
inevitably became more and more "turbulent" with one
rent-seeking group after another cropping up to use the powers
of the state to plunder its neighbors. The transfer state has
continued to grow virtually unabated over the last century, making
American democracy ever more turbulent and divisive. There
has been a relentless shift away from the traditional constitutional
functions of government and toward an ever-expanding transfer
society. Kristol’s notion that twentieth century prosperity brought
an end to "political turbulence" is preposterous and
absurd.
Equally preposterous
and ahistorical is his further claim that, with prosperity, Americans
will become less susceptible to "egalitarian illusions."
But the U.S. today is as prosperous as it has ever been, and mindless
egalitarianism reigns. Just a few weeks ago one of Kristol’s favorite
Supreme Court justices, Reagan appointee Sandra Day O’Connor,
wrote a majority opinion that said racial discrimination against
whites in college admissions was desirable because, in her opinion,
the mixing of skin colors on college campuses – to supposedly
promote egalitarianism – trumped the constitution she once swore
to uphold. A thousand other examples could readily be used to
disprove Kristol’s thesis.
Kristol further
admits that neocons do not in any way favor limited government.
He mocks the idea of limited constitutional government by calling
it "the Hayekian notion that we are on the road to serfdom."
He is not just mocking Hayek, but the entire classical liberal
tradition, as well as the Enlightenment ideas that informed the
founding fathers in their limited government philosophy. In chapter
1 of The
Road to Serfdom Hayek lamented the abandonment of classical
liberal ideas in countries that had been adopting fascism and
socialism (and its close cousin, New Dealism) during the 1930s
and '40s by saying:
This is what
Kristol and his fellow neocons are so opposed to: the same philosophy
of individualism that early and mid twentieth century tyrants
from Mussolini to Hitler to Stalin understood as being their biggest
philosophical roadblock. "Neocons do not feel that kind of
alarm of anxiety about the growth of the state," Kristol
smugly pronounces, repudiating the ideology of the American founders.
And it is
not an exaggeration to say that the neocons repudiate the basic
political philosophy of the founders, even if they hypocritically
invoke the founders’ words from time to time in their political
speeches and writings. Just recall some of the harsh anti-government
rhetoric of the founders. To Jefferson, "on the tree of liberty
must spill the blood of patriots and tyrants." And, "a
little rebellion, now and then, is a good thing, a medicine necessary
for the sound health of government."
Patrick Henry
urged his fellow Virginians to take up arms against the British
government "in the holy cause of liberty" and warned
that it is the tendency of all centralized governmental powers
to "destroy the state government[s], and swallow the liberties
of the people." This of course finally happened in April
of 1865, a month the neocon "Civil War" historian Jay
Winik says "saved America."
In his Farewell
Address George Washington warned that special interest groups
in a democracy "are likely, in the course of time . . . to
become potent engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled
men will be enabled to subvert the Power of the People, and to
usurp for themselves the reigns of Government." Sounds like
a perfect description of the neocon cabal.
James Madison
pronounced that "it is in vain" to expect that politicians
in a democracy would ever render clashing political interests
"subservient to the public good." And Thomas Paine wrote
in Common Sense that "Government even in its best
state is but a necessary evil, and in its worst state an intolerable
one."
Kristol repeats
his old refrain that "libertarian conservatives" are
different from neocons because they are supposedly "unmindful
of the culture." He is either oblivious to or willfully ignores
the fact that it has been libertarian scholars who have done more
than anyone to research and write about the damage to the American
culture inflicted by the welfare state (family breakup, rampant
illegitimacy, loss of work incentives, short-sightedness, slothfulness,
etc.). Neocons ignore all of this vast libertarian literature
and continue to champion an expanded welfare state while
pretending to be protectors of "the culture."
Nor does
Kristol acknowledge that it is libertarians who have done more
than anyone to expose how the government’s war on drugs has created
a criminal culture, a bloody and violent culture, a culture that
traps young children into short crime-ridden lives, and a culture
that corrupts the police and the judicial system. Neocons all
support an even more vigorous war on drugs while pretending
to be ever so concerned about "the culture."
I can’t help
but point out that the self-appointed neocon culture and morality
czar, "Blackjack" Bill Bennett, recently revealed to
the world what his idea of "culture" is: Sitting on
a vinyl stool at a Las Vegas casino at 3 A.M. pouring thousands
of dollars into one-armed bandits while being served free drinks
by cocktail waitresses barely out of their teens and dressed like
hookers. (Bennett admitted to having blown some $8 million at
Vegas casinos in recent years).
In foreign
policy Kristol says neocons are, well, imperialists. For a "great
power" there are no boundaries to its pursuit of "national
interest." He says we have an "ideological interest"
to defend, and that means endless warfare all around the globe
to ostensibly "defend" that ideology. (And Mark Twain
thought TR was insane.) Of course, someone has to decide
for us what that "ideological interest" is, and then
force the population, with the threat of imprisonment or
worse (for nonpayment of taxes, for instance) to support it.
In Kristol’s
case, his primary ideological rationale for military intervention
is: "We feel it necessary to defend Israel today" in
the name of democracy. Well, no we don’t. If Irving Kristol
wants to grab a shotgun and take the next flight to Tel Aviv "to
defend Israel" then Godspeed, and I will offer to buy him
a first-class plane ticket. But leave me and my family out of
it.
Translating
"we feel it necessary to defend Israel" from neoconese,
we get this: "Young American soldiers must die in defense
of Israel." Like hell they must. Young Americans who join
the military for patriotic reasons do so because they believe
they are defending their country. It is a fraud and an
abomination to compel them to risk their lives for any
other country, whether it is Israel, Canada, Somalia, or wherever.
The
Godfather concludes his essay by gloating over how neoconservatism
is "enjoying a second life" in the current Bush administration,
with its massive expansion of domestic spending, record budget
deficits, lying us into war, TR style, and of course killing.
Lots of killing. That he used the word "enjoyed" to
describe all of this speaks volumes about "Godfather"
Kristol and his neo-comrades.