When
You Know You’re Doing Something Right
by
Thomas J. DiLorenzo
You
know you’re doing something right when you are the object of cheap
shots, lies, and smears by a paid agent of the state whose job is
to make up excuses and "justifications" for all the state’s
wars and other military misadventures. A case in point is a dishonest
and quite hysterical "review"
of my book, The
Real Lincoln, by one Mackubin Thomas Owens, in the May 4
Washington Times. Owens identifies himself as a professor
of defense economics at the Naval War College in Newport, Rhode
Island.
He
begins his "review" by charging that my book is based
on "Marxist economic analysis," revealing a deep ignorance
of economics on his part. For one thing, for more than twenty years
I have been associated with the Austrian and Public Choice Schools
of economics, the two most consistent anti-socialist schools of
thought that exist. In my book I describe the seventy year economic
debate between the Hamiltonians and Jeffersonians, with the former
group lobbying relentlessly for protectionist tariffs, corporate
welfare, and inflationism through central banking. They wanted centralized
government in order to enact their central plan and accumulate political
power by handing out patronage to protectionist and subsidy-seeking
industries. Lincoln was the political heir of Alexander Hamilton
and spent most of his twenty-eight year political career prior to
becoming president promoting this economic agenda.
The
Jeffersonians opposed all of this, and their opposition was ended
during the War Between the States, when all of the previously-debated
policies were adopted (in the first eighteen months of the Lincoln
administration). The whole classical liberal tradition is one of
condemning interventionist economic policies precisely because they
are a means of "legally plundering" one group of citizens
at the expense of another. This kind of analysis has its roots in
Adam Smith, Jeremy Bentham (who spoke of "sinister interests),
Frederic Bastiat, the British Manchester Schoool, and above all,
the Austrian School of economics. It has nothing to do with Marx’s
defunct theories of class warfare.
This
is what many Southerners were complaining about for decades preceding
the war – that they were especially being plundered by the protectionist
tariff, which Lincoln and the Republican Party tripled as soon as
he took office. There is no Marxian class analysis here, only traditional
Public Choice analysis rooted in the classical liberal tradition.
Owens
also tells several outright lies of the sort that, one would hope,
would get any Naval Academy cadet kicked out of the Academy for
violating its Honor Code. He writes that I say in my book that "slavery
had nothing to do with the war." I unequivocally do not; I
say just the opposite. This is a lie.
He
is also deceptive and deceitful by quoting his hero, Harry Jaffa,
as once remarking that the late Mel Bradford’s discussions of all
of Lincoln’s many racist remarks -- and there were many -- were
also highlighted by white supremacist "White Citizens Councils."
He is implying that Bradford must have agreed with these characters,
as must I. But these people quoted Lincoln’s racist remarks ("I
. . . am in favor of the race to which I belong having the superior
position. I have never said anything to the contrary," Ottawa
Ill., Aug. 21, 1858) because they approved of them. I quoted them
because they are an ugly side of Lincoln that has been well hidden
from public view by state propagandists like Owens. That is the
deceit that Owens attempts to perpetrate.
Owens
says that I claim that John C. Calhoun was the architect of the
doctrine of state sovereignty, which I do not. Thomas Jefferson
and James Madison, authors of the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions
of 1798 that enunciated the doctrine of nullification, came first,
as did myriad other members of the founding generation. Since Calhoun
defended slavery, Owens is dishonestly trying to make it appear
that only such people as Calhoun ever spoke of states’ rights.
Owens
doesn’t marshal any real arguments other than to quote his hero,
Harry Jaffa. He notes that I quote an 1848 speech Lincoln made in
Congress on the topic of the Mexican War in which he defended the
right of secession. Owens invokes Jaffa, who has tried to explain
this away with the silly semantic game of pretending that the founders
distinguished between revolution and secession. Of course, the American
Revolution was a war of secession from England. Such word games
are a pathetic and unconvincing attempt to rewrite history in Clintonian
fashion.
After
beginning his article by calling me a Marxist, Owens ends it by
labeling me a libertarian. He assumes that Lincoln was a champion
of Lockean liberalism, and therefore thinks it odd that I would
criticize Lincoln. But Lincoln was always perfectly content to allow
Southern slavery to exist, as long as the Southern states remained
in the Union. When the deep South first seceded and the upper South
– Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas – did not, Lincoln
was happy to have these slave states as part of the Union. He orchestrated
the secession of western Virginia (unconstitutionally, according
to his own attorney general) to bolster his electoral college vote
in 1864 and again, was not opposed to the existence of slavery there.
He
opposed the extension of slavery in the new territories, but the
reasons he gave for this were that he and the Republican Party wanted
to preserve these territories for white labor (which would then
vote Republican), and that because of the Three-Fifths clause of
the Constitution, slavery in the territories would have artificially
inflated the level of congressional representation by the Democratic
Party. What kind of Lockean is it who supports slavery, promises
to uphold it "where it exists" and to even strengthen
it by enforcing the Fugitive Slave Act?
And
what kind of Lockean is it who: Launches a military invasion without
the consent of Congress, unilaterally and unconstitutionally suspends
the writ of habeas corpus and imprisons more than 13,000 Northern
dissenters (i.e., political prisoners), censors all telegraph communications,
shuts down hundreds of opposition newspapers and imprisons their
editors and owners, orders federal troops to interfere with Northern
elections, confiscates private property, including firearms, establishes
a secret police force to round up and imprison political dissenters,
tortures civilian prisoners by hanging them by their wrists and
with water torture (see Mark Neely’s Fate
of Liberty), and wages a four-year war on civilians as well
as combatants? I suppose that would be Owens’s definition of a "Lockean
liberal."
Here
are some references that describe all these offenses and more: Constitutional
Problems Under Lincoln by James G. Randall; Freedom Under
Lincoln by Dean Sprague; Fate of Liberty by Mark Neely,
Constitutional
Dictatorship by Clinton Rossiter; and The
Hard Hand of War by Mark Grimsley. This is part of the vast
literature that does exist on the real Lincoln that state propagandists
like Owens never mention other than to dismiss it.
May
7, 2002
Thomas
J. DiLorenzo [send him mail]
is
the author of the LRC #1 bestseller, The
Real Lincoln: A New Look at Abraham Lincoln, His Agenda, and an
Unnecessary War
(Forum/Random House 2002) and professor of economics at Loyola College
in Maryland.
Copyright
2002 LewRockwell.com
Thomas
DiLorenzo Archives
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