Ireland
and the Nice Treaty
by
David Dieteman
The
voters of the Republic of Ireland are preparing to vote on the Nice
Treaty (this link requires Adobe
Acrobat) expanding the European Union, not only geographically,
but in terms of power as against the member states. Qualified majority
voting, for example, will be extended to areas (such as industrial
policy) which previously required unanimous votes for passage. The
E.U. "common foreign and security policy" (CFSP) will
also be expanded.
Independent
MEP (Member of the European Parliament) Dana
Rosemary Scallon has come out in opposition to the treaty, on
the grounds that Ireland "would have no veto on industrial
policy, structural funding, justice, foreign and home affairs."
In short, all the trappings of national sovereignty would be gone.
As
an American citizen of Irish descent , I confess to being surprised
by predictions of the Irish vote. The Irish Times reports
that, among likely voters, 45% favor the treaty, while 28% are opposed.
The number of Irish voters with no opinion stands at 27%. In recent
weeks, the
gap between Yes and No votes has narrowed by 14%.
The
Irish Times notes that
Support
for the Nice Treaty is highest among supporters of the Progressive
Democrats (65 per cent), Fianna Fail (51 per cent) and Labour
(50 per cent). Surprisingly, the next most enthusiastic Nice
supporters are Green Party supporters, with 49 per cent in favour
and 30 per cent against...40 per cent of supporters of independent
candidates and 38 per cent of Sinn Fein voters [are in favour].
This
is a bit odd, since the ratification of the Nice Treaty appears
to represent a retreat from a nearly 700-year long struggle for
self-determination. After English invasion in the 1200s, the Irish
did not regain their independence until 1948, when Eamon DeValera
proclaimed Irish independence in 1948. Unfortunately (or fortunately,
depending on one’s political leanings and domicile), only 26 of
Ireland’s 32 counties thereby gained their freedom from English
dominion. Six northern counties of Ulster today known as "Northern
Ireland" remain part of "United Kingdom of Great Britain
and Northern Ireland" (the formerly independent Scotland and
Wales, with England, compose what is known as "Great Britain").
In
that regard, the Irish Times observes that
The
shift to the No camp has been accompanied by greater scepticism
about European integration. Some 43 per cent said their view was
closest to the statement that Ireland should do all it can to
protect its independence from the EU.
And
yet 45 per cent of Irish voters appear to favor the treaty in an
election which has been characterized by a general apathy (whether
this is due, in part, to Section 10.3 of the Radio
and Television Act of 1988, which banned radio and television
ads with religious or political dimensions , has not been discussed;
Arizona senator John McCain take note).
To
remedy this apathy, consider the arguments
advanced by Garret Fitzgerald, writing in favor of the Nice
Treaty in the Irish Times . First, Fitzgerald argues that
The
Americans who are concerned about the ERRF [European Rapid Reaction
Force, or "Eurocorps," of which I
have prevsiouly come out in favor] believe that its emergence
might strengthen the hands of isolationists in the US who argue
for American disengagement from Europe. They fear that these isolationists
will be tempted by the emergence of this new force to argue that
Europe can look after itself and will no longer need US assistance
through NATO to deal with crises in our region.
Although
I take umbrage at the "isolationist" label, preferring
the term "principled neutrality," "classical liberal,"
or "free trader," Fitzgerald raises an interesting point:
what is the purpose of NATO, and what is the purpose of the ERRF?
Since there are no European powers with the desire or the ability
to take on the combined military might of the western European nations,
it would seem that the collectivist-minded European and American
elites want to keep NATO, and create the ERRF, in order to carry
on yet more Somalia and Bosnia-style "humanitarian" missions.
Strangely,
then, Fitzgerald contends that, in Europe, "capital punishment
is now inconceivable." It may be if one considers only the
death penalty as meted out by guillotine, gas chamber, lethal injection,
or hanging, but it is certainly not inconceivable if one includes
NATO bombs falling on Serbian heads.
Worse,
Fitzgerald contends that "the EU has created a unique zone
of peace, now stretching from Ireland to Bulgaria and from Portugal
to Finland." In fact, the EU created nothing of the kind. Ireland
has maintained a strict policy of neutrality since and including
World War Two – when DeValera refused to let Churchill’s navy use
Irish ports against Hitler.
If
anyone has created peace in Europe, it is the United States, whose
men and material were the decisive factors in winning the two world
wars.
The
only achievement in this regard which may be claimed by the E.U.
is that no wars have broken out – well, at least no major ones (mustn’t
focus too much on the Balkans) – on its watch.
Similarly,
Fitzgerald argues that Europe "has created a worldwide movement
to protect our global environment." First, perhaps the Europeans
should stick to protecting their own environment, and leave others
well enough alone. Second, the statement, if true, is a strong reason
to oppose the expansion of the E.U., both geographically and in
terms of powers over the member states, as
the core of environmentalism is an anti-human, anti-capitalistic
creed .
Finally,
demonstrating that the forces of collectivism are alike on both
sides of the Atlantic, Fitzgerald adds, in his description of No
voters, that
Our
far left and "republicans" have now been joined in their
opposition to our EU involvement by right-wing religious elements
preoccupied with a belief that the EU will impose godless values
on our society.
So
what’s an Irish voter to do? Think long and hard about the centuries-long,
bloody and bitter struggle for Irish independence. Think long and
hard about Wolfe Tone, Michael Collins, and Eamon DeValera. Think
about the European Union, which only months ago sought to prohibit
opposition speech directed at itself. Think also about the American
experience in balancing power between state and federal governments,
even
where everything was in writing. Finally, Irish voters must
think for themselves. No other course of action is compatible with
liberty.
June
5, 2001
Mr.
Dieteman [send him mail]
is an attorney in Erie, Pennsylvania, and a PhD candidate in philosophy
at The Catholic University of America.
©
2001 David Dieteman
David
Dieteman Archives
|