Monetary Revolt: The Silver Bullet To Kill a Despised Regime
by Mark R. Crovelli
by
Mark R. Crovelli
Recently
by Mark R. Crovelli: Meredith
Whitney’s Critics Are Conmen
As
predicted,
the Egyptian revolution has been quickly
and thoroughly betrayed by cunning politicians and generals
within the existing Egyptian political establishment. They have
placated many protesters by simply promising to hopefully
hold free elections in six months, while keeping themselves in power
in the interim. Never mind that these men achieved their positions
of authority by faithfully enforcing Mubarak’s brutal laws on the
hapless Egyptian masses. Never mind that the chief torturer under
Mubarak is still standing within reach of the helm of the Egyptian
police state. Never mind that the barbaric state of emergency laws
which helped to spark the protests are still in place.
What happened?
Why were the generals and existing political classes able to keep
their jobs in the face of millions of protesters in the streets?
Why were the millions of protesters unable to oust these tools of
Mubarak and purge the country of dictatorship completely? Why did
the Egyptian police state not starve on the vine, forcing Mubarak’s
depraved cronies in the military, police, and bureaucracies to go
home and make livings for themselves that did not involve robbing,
killing or intimidating ordinary Egyptians?
The facile
answers to these questions that have been seized upon by the media
involve the Egyptians’ supposed respect for the military, and the
funding that has continued to flow into the country from the United
States. Both of these answers are unsatisfying, and ultimately question
begging.
On the one
hand, while the Egyptian people may have respect for the ordinary
soldier in the street, who was forced to pick up a gun by Mubarak’s
conscription laws, it is hard to believe that the Egyptian protesters
could be naïve enough to believe that the military command
under Mubarak was not intimately involved in the creation and implementation
of the laws they despised and were protesting against. The military
command had to have acceded to the blockade against Gaza, for example,
or else it would not have been brutally implemented and enforced.
Egyptians simply cannot be foolish enough to think that the military
command was an unwilling participant in Mubarak’s 30-year
reign of terror. Surely they despise the military command for its
role in the dictatorship almost as much as Mubarak himself. On the
other hand, the money that the United States, incredibly,
continues to pour into the Egyptian military, also cannot explain
how these men have kept their jobs. After all, the U.S. was pouring
money into Mubarak’s personal accounts for decades, and yet this
did not protect him from being overthrown. So, U.S. money cannot
explain how these tools of Mubarak were not also similarly thrown
out on their blood-soaked asses.
The real reason
for these men’s ability to keep their jobs and effectively maintain
the Mubarak-inspired police state is that the Egyptian people neglected
the most important aspect of protest in the modern world; monetary
protest. In the modern world of fiat currencies printed by governments
like Mubarak’s, it is not enough to say "get out and stop oppressing
us," even if millions of people are saying it. It is not enough
to storm the presidential palace and string up the dictator like
a hog, as the still-oppressed people of Romania know all too well.
It is not enough to demand elections, and it is not enough to demand
freedom. Instead, what is ultimately needed is to cut off the
beast’s funding and starve it to death. No dictatorship, junta
or even republic in the world can survive if it cannot finance itself.
The mantra of the revolution ought to have been "Down with
Mubarak money!"
The protesters
thus ought to have made dumping the Egyptian pound and adopting
a non-governmental
currency the central plank of their protest. They should have
enjoined their fellow countrymen to sell their Mubarak money for
gold or silver or anything else that’s real, and the value of
the pound would have plummeted instantly and massively, which would
have spurred even more selling. The patriots who participated in
this monetary revolt would have protected themselves from losses
by getting out of the pound, while the traitors to freedom in the
regime and those who supported the regime by holding onto Mubarak’s
pounds would have lost everything. Moreover, the police and military
that are paid with Mubarak’s crooked paper money would see an instant
and massive de facto pay decrease. This would have forced Mubarak’s
central bank to print even more money to finance the military, police
and all other bureaucracies, which would have turned the Egyptian
pound into toilet paper. The coup de grâce of the monetary
racket would then be for the protestors to simply use the worthless
paper the junta and Mubarak printed to pay their taxes. A hefty
dose of their own crooked monetary medicine would be all that is
needed to collapse the regime without even one shot being fired
(by the protesters, anyway).
There is no
doubt that the collapse of Mubarak’s money printing and taxing racket
would entail much short-term hardship for Egyptians. Money plays
a role in every transaction in an advanced economy, and the collapse
of Mubarak’s money would undoubtedly throw the economy into a temporary
tailspin. But, it is not as though the economic outlook for Egyptians
is bright as long as they continue to use Mubarak’s crooked money
while living under a military dictatorship. The inflation rate in
Egypt is cripplingly
high as it is, which means that the protesters are losing massive
purchasing power to the military junta every hour (that will be
used to finance and enforce the laws they despise) whether they
undertake this monetary revolt or not. This will only get worse
as the economy worsens and the junta is forced to finance more and
more of the budget through Mubarak-money printing. The protesters
would simply be accelerating the process.
On the other
hand, the long-term prospects for Egypt are tantalizingly bright
if they overthrow Mubarak’s crooked money-printing and taxing machine.
With their means of financing themselves by simply printing and
seizing money in a shambles, the military junta would be forced
to drastically curtail spending or else increase taxes. In the wake
of seeing millions of irate people in the streets ready to storm
the presidential palace to hang Mubarak, however, it is hard to
think they would be stupid and rash enough to raise taxes (which
the Egyptians would pay with worthless pounds anyway). They might
be able to prop up their regime for a short while with funds donated
by the United States government, which tends to be the lender of
last resort of brutal dictatorships, but the three billion dollars
a year that the U.S. is committed to take from its own citizens
to prop up the Egyptian dictator de jure is a drop in the fiscal
bucket.
With
the Egyptian pound sunk, the military dictatorship bankrupted and
impotent to enforce the laws that have made Egypt an economic nightmare,
and the people shifting to non-governmental currencies, Egypt would
finally be in a position to become an economic powerhouse. Freed
from the shame of allowing Mubarak’s crooked cronies to remain at
the helm of the state, and freed from the apparatus of monetary
slavery that Mubarak created and the junta still utilizes, the Egyptians
could finally start to make decent livings for themselves. Freed
from the shackles of a currency that constantly loses value against
their food, they could finally start saving and investing for the
benefit of themselves and their children. Indeed, they would stand
alone in the world as a people that finally possessed a money that
their government could not manipulate, depreciate and confiscate.
The existing
power of the Egyptian military junta is a direct result of the Egyptian
protesters’ neglect of Mubarak’s monetary monopoly, which still
operates as before. Until they do address this central feature of
Egyptian dictatorships throughout the past half-century, the Egyptian
protesters will never, ever win true freedom for themselves.
February
18, 2011
Mark R.
Crovelli [send him mail]
writes from Denver, Colorado.
Copyright
© 2011 by LewRockwell.com. Permission to reprint in whole or in
part is gladly granted, provided full credit is given.
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