First
published in Plain Talk, September, 1949.
Long, long,
before Freud, a fellow named Joseph got himself a reputation as
an interpreter of dreams, So, when all the Ph.D.'s of Egypt failed
him, Pharaoh sent for this wizard and put to him the puzzler that
had come out of his subconscious mind one night something about
seven lean kine and seven fat ones.
A biographical
note on this Joseph is in order. Even as a lad he had shown himself
endowed of special gifts, winning preferment in his father's eyes
over a parcel of brothers. This aroused the envy and resentment
of the fraternity who probably considered Joseph a violation
of the principle that all men are created equal and they
contrived to restore parity in mediocrity by getting him out of
circulation. By devious circumstances he was landed into the service
of Potiphar, a bigwig of Egypt, which, was a long way from home.
One so clever
could not be denied. He rose rapidly to head foremanship of Potiphar's
estate. At this point, his career was almost cut short by the
perfidy of a woman; that is to say, Potiphar's wife (probably
a homely one who was "misunderstood" by her spouse) tried to seduce
said Joseph, was repulsed and, like a scorned female, framed her
jilter. Potiphar dumped Joseph into jail.
It was here
that Joseph came into his own. Among his fellow inmates were two
who were bothered with dream problems. Joseph applied himself
to these riddles and untwisted them with uncanny exactitude. This
was remembered by one of the prisoners who, on his release, hired
out to the Pharaoh household, and, when he heard that his master
was deep in subconscious troubles, he recommended the diviner
of the dungeon deep.
That is how
Joseph came to be called to the palace. Realizing that an unpresentable
psychiatrist is without prestige, he slicked himself up, even
shaved off the insignia of his tribe, and offered his services
to the troubled Administration. Quickly he came up with the answer.
There was nothing to it. The dream, he said, indicated clearly
that Egypt was about to experience the well-known business cycle,
sometimes called "boom and bust." How did he know? The knowledge
came to him by divine revelation, he said, which was far more
reliable than the wisdom of the Harvard school of economics.
At this point,
and while Pharaoh was flabbergasted into speechlessness by the
positiveness of his prediction, Joseph showed his true mettle.
He threw in a plan. True, he said, the seven years' boom was sure
to come upon the realm, but the bust was not so inevitable; Jehovah
could be cheated out of it by the simple device of laying up a
reserve during the years of plenty. To execute that job Pharaoh
would have to dig up a capable Secretary of Agriculture. The plan
and the secretaryship had nothing to do with the riddle he had
been called in to unravel; but Joseph tossed it off anyway, and
was about to bow himself out.
It occurred
to Pharaoh, however, that a mind that had all the answers ought
not to languish in Potiphar's jail. So, on the very spot
confirmation by the Senate was quite unnecessary in those days
he appointed the surprised Joseph to be his Secretary of
Agriculture. There being no Constitution to swear by, and no Bible
to kiss, Pharaoh made the appointment stick by putting his own
signet ring on Joseph's hand and a solid gold chain around his
neck. For lack of an automobile, an official chariot was assigned
to the new dignitary. No doubt, though the chronicle does not
record it, Joseph must have had a big office to work from, with
a lot of assistants and secretaries, for mention is made of many
overseers.
Henceforth,
Joseph had no need to interpret dreams; he was an administrator,
with a plan to carry out. Since the economy was completely agricultural,
his position made him the real boss of the country, the top commissar.
The first thing he did was to pass laws; without them no plan
can work. And the first law on his agenda was, quite naturally,
a tax-law. One-fifth of all that these profligate farmers should
produce, during the years of plenty, must be taken from them and
put under lock and key. It is reported that this 20 percent income
tax yielded quite an amount; the grain piled up ''as sand of the
sea," and undoubtedly there was a shortage of bins, barns and
elevators, for "it was without number."
In due time,
as per prophecy, the depression came. It is not certain' whether
this calamity was caused by overproduction or underconsumption,
and at that time the learned professors had not yet discovered
the sun-spot theory or even the quantity theory of money. The
magicians of that day were without benefit of postgraduate courses
in economics. The tale, as we get, it, refers to a "famine," but
we are not informed whether the shortage was due to drought, pestilence
or other unforeseeable accident, or, perhaps, to the constant
sapping of the economy by seven years of heavy taxation. From
what follows in the story, it is quite possible that the
dream-planner might have anticipated the consequence of his taxing
scheme: the abject subservience of the Egyptian proletariat.
At any rate,
hunger was upon the land of Pharaoh. And the people came to the
Secretary of Agriculture and begged him to return the grain he
had taken from them. Did he shell out? Of course he did, and at
a price. He took their money, and when they had no more money
he took their cattle. "And Joseph gave them bread in exchange
for their horses, and for their flocks,' and for their
herds, and for their asses: and he fed them bread in exchange
for all."
Still the
hunger was upon the people, which was natural, for their capital
was all gone, and without capital there is little production.
As we know now, state capitalism had set in under Joseph's wise
regime, and there was nothing for the hungry masses to do but
apply for jobs to the state, at the only wage that it was pleased
to pay, which was subsistence. They offered themselves as "servants
unto
Pharaoh" in exchange for bread. "Then Joseph said unto the people:
'Behold I have brought you this day and your land for Pharaoh:
lo, here is seed for you, and you shall sow the land.'" In common
parlance that means that he had nationalized the land and the
labor of Egypt.
The dream-plan
worked wonders for Pharaoh and his Secretary of Agriculture.
There is reason to believe, however, that some of the proletariat
were perturbed over a moral principle: the right of a man to his
property. The chronicle does not mention this matter, but it does
speak of a migration of farmers from one end of the land to another,
by Joseph's orders. Could it be that the slaves revolted? Could
it be that Joseph resorted to the well-known migratory purge?
There is no statement to that effect, but neither is there an
explanation for the shifting of the population, and in the absence
of explanatory comment one may surmise.
On the other
hand, it is told how a delegation of Egyptians came to Joseph
and declared: "Thou hast saved our lives: let us find favor in
the sight of my lord, and we will be Pharaoh's servants." Showing
that the proletariat had come to terms with collectivism (since
that was the only way to get by in this world) and were content
with whatever security the Secretary would provide. Joseph, however,
had to make some concession to private property, perhaps to encourage
more taxable production; he restored to some of the Egyptians
the land he had taken from them in their adversity, on a rental
basis. The rent? One-fifth of all the annual output. By this well-timed
act of policy, informs historian Flavius Josephus, "Joseph established
his own authority in Egypt and increased the standing revenue
of all its succeeding monarchs."
Though the
succeeding monarchs and the succeeding commissars did well under
the plan introduced by Joseph, it seems (according to later historians)
that it put upon the proletarians a moral blight, so that when
conquerors from other lands came to Egypt they met with little
resistance; those who had nothing to lose had nothing to fight
for. So that even the monarchs had to beg the invaders for administrative
jobs. And lots of dust fell on the civilization of Pharaoh.
Four thousand
years later, give or take a century or two, there was a land called
America. It was ruled by a President, which was an office attained
by a complex system of parties and votes. At the time under consideration
the Presidency was occupied by a person called Harry Truman, about
whom little is known except that he too had a dream: farmers who
should wax wealthy without working, urban
toilers who should feed well without paying.
Truth is,
the dream was induced by intense political preoccupation. Having
been thrust into pre-eminence by the Democratic Party, a peculiarly
fractious sect, he was in duty bound to strengthen and perpetuate
its clutch on the tax-fund of the nation. Now, as has been noted,
rulership in this land was dependent on votes. They were a strange
people, these Americans, in that they loved to flavor their gross
practicality with the ambrosia of idealism. However, the fact
remains they voted according to their gastronomic contentment
or disorder, as the case may be.
Well, the
aforesaid dream perturbed the ruler of the Americans very much.
He spoke of it often and loudly, especially when he was pleading
for another term of employment. Finally he too called upon the
Secretary of Agriculture, one yclept Brannan, to decipher for
him this manna-from-heaven fantasy. This dignitary, it is recorded,
replied: "It's a cinch, boss, I could bust this riddle on the
spot, but I’d rather take a day or two to put the answer into
protocol, for the sake of appearance, and to lend it a coat of
erudition I’ll call in a couple of fellows who majored in economics.
Got to do it right, you know."
Shortly thereafter
the Secretary handed the President a screed, which in those days
was called a legislative bill, embodying not only the solution
of his subconscious conundrum but also a plan for putting its
purport into execution. The dream signified, said the Secretary,
that the farmers must be won to the sacred Democratic Party by
assuring them of high prices for their products, and the proletarians
of the cities by providing them with cheap edibles. "It can be
done. All we need is a plan. I have it all here, in the form of
a bill, and if you can get that do-nothing Congress to put the
ok on it, you can leave the rest to me!" The President was pleased.
The first
thing called for in the plan was an appropriation for an enforcement
agency, which in itself would provide an easy living for a goodly
number of loyal Democrats. That was fine. Then, a schedule of
production would be presented to the farmers; in effect, they
would be told when, how and what they should produce. Farmers
who produced more than their allotments would be fined, those
who complied would be rewarded with subsidies. This control over
production would enable the bureaucrats to fix the prices, regardless
of costs and demand. The city dwellers, particularly in the months
preceding election time, would obtain their strawberries and cream
at practically nothing, for which they would be grateful to their
benefactors, while subsidies to farmers who did not produce would
similarly bind them to the party.
Of course,
there will have to be taxes, continued the Secretary, for how
else can the scheme operate? "But, as you know, boss, the voters
never associate gratuities with taxation. The farmers and artisans,
if they mention the matter at all, will be told that the 'rich'
pay all the taxes, and that will satisfy them. The checks we send
the farmers will more than offset the distemper caused by levies
on their incomes, and the housewife's glee at the low price of
cabbage will overcome the chagrin of payroll deductions."
At first
the Brannan Plan met with little favor among American farmers,
who, though they had to rub along with an average of less than
two automobiles to the family, were rather satisfied with "parity"
handouts and were suspicious of any change in the status. A few
years later, however, the depression came upon the country, and
in quick order there was a mad demand for controlled production
and for prices fixed by political exigency. The Truman dream,
like that of Pharaoh, came into its own by way of a plan.
It goes without
saying that the eventual outcome of the Brannan Plan was not unlike
that of Joseph's. Once the overseers of the Department of Agriculture
got control of the farmers and the lands of America, there was
no way of returning to the regime of private ownership; there
was no inclination to, for the farmers were quite content to swap
the hazards of their trade for the subsistence doled out to them
by the bureaucrats. The city dwellers, likewise, managed to live
and have children under the regime of fixed income and regulated
prices. Nobody yearned for more (except for a few recalcitrants
who were soon made to see the error of their ways), nobody cared
for change. In fact, with aspirations limited, nobody cared about
anything. And the American civilization went the way of the Egyptian.