Power
To the Juries
by
Dmitry Chernikov
by Dmitry Chernikov
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A criminal
trial is not an action of just the judicial branch of the government.
In fact, in every trial all three branches of government cooperate.
There is the judge, obviously representing the judiciary. There
is the "executioner," representing the executive branch.
And there is the jury, which is like the legislature.
It is the last
point that I want to stress. If we take this analogy in the widest
possible sense, then the jury is not limited to deciding whether
the defendant has broken any laws. It can repeal any laws it likes
or pass new ones. Hence the doctrine of jury nullification, a time-honored
though neglected nowadays practice in common law.
Yet we can
argue, I think, that jury nullification does not go far enough.
The jury need not merely have the power to say that a certain law
is bad and invalid. It should also be able to set up new laws on
the spot and say that the defendant broke them. Just as it
can judge a law bad, it can judge the absence of a law bad. If indeed
the jury thinks that "there ought to be a law," then let
it pass it in that particular case.
It has been
a long-standing argument in legal circles whether a judge is allowed
to legislate and if so, then when. One of the candidates for judge-made
law is in the cases of the penumbra problem, which means vagueness
of ambiguousness of the text of the law. For example, if the law
says that vehicles are not allowed in a public park, the word "vehicle"
obviously includes cars. But what about motorcycles and bicycles
and electric wheelchairs and rollerskates? What is a judge to do
if someone were arrested in the park on a bicycle? One possibility
is for the judge to refuse to decide the case, order the defendant
released, send the whole thing to the legislature, and tell it to
make the meaning clear. But such a thing could be costly, take a
long time, etc. Why not allow the judge to make law in order to
make the process more efficient? On the other hand, in the example
of the park and the vehicles, how can the judge possibly know the
correct policy for the park? The government owns the park and has
both a certain amount of knowledge and some incentives (e.g., to
please to voters) to manage it properly. How can a judge who knows
nothing about the park and doesn’t care about it know what the park
policy ought to be? Therefore how can he legislate? Still, interpreting
the law is part of what a judge is supposed to do.
Another situation
in which judge-made law seems appropriate is when laws conflict.
For example, a statute may conflict with the Constitution. Or a
human law may be contrary to morality. Then the judge’s job is apparently
to decide which law, the lower one or the higher one, takes precedence.
The contradictory laws may even be on the same "level." Thus, a
law authorizing the government to build a dam may conflict with
the law ordering that certain endangered species be preserved. Still,
the quandary is how a judge can possibly legislate in the absence
of both knowledge and incentives to make the right decision.
The problem
goes away, however, if it is not the judge who legislates but the
jury. The jury, composed of twelve honest citizens, represents,
in a way, the entire community. Since so does the government that
owns the park, the two are equal in status and authority. Therefore
the jury can legitimately decide whether bicycles are, in fact,
prohibited on whatever principle, such as the greatest good for
the greatest number.
Now can the
jury simply pass an arbitrary or absurd law and say that the defendant
has violated it? First, what if he is unpopular in the community?
Well, if the jury is a lynch mob, they are going to get the guy
no matter what. They can simply give the prosecutor everything he
wants. There is no need to make any new laws. And what if the defendant
is, on the contrary, popular? Then the jury might declare him innocent
despite the evidence. The situations are completely symmetrical.
Second, isn’t there a Constitutional prohibition against ex post
facto laws? Indeed there is. But perhaps the jury feels that
the defendant has broken a moral law, which is serious enough
to warrant a legal remedy, which is missing because of (the jury
reasons) the negligence or mistake of the legislature. Then, in
a way, the defendant should have known better. The moral law was
always there, known to all through reason or even social convention.
In that case, the argument that jury-made laws are after the fact
loses some of its strength.
Another argument
against jury lawmaking is that in a trial only specific charges
are brought against specific violations of existing laws and all
the information that the prosecutor gives the jury is intended to
prove the defendant’s guilt of breaking those laws. The jury cannot
examine the defendant’s life in minute detail and invent laws that
supposedly ought to be on the books that he broke. Granted. It is
therefore expected that this power will be used very rarely. But
if during the course of a trial the jury learns something that would
warrant making or discovering a law and concluding that the defendant
broke it, the jury should have to power to convict on that alone.
How would my
proposal exclude simply plucking a random person off the street
and putting him on trial by having a jury scrutinize his life and
come up with some laws that he broke? Again, we can eliminate the
absurdity by saying that only violations of existing laws will prompt
a trial. But once a trial commences, new laws are fair game.
What of the
argument that juries are not qualified to judge or make laws?
First, if that is so, then they are surely not qualified to judge
lawmakers, as well, and democracy and self-government, too, go by
the board. Second, lawmakers are pretty ignorant of the consequences
of what they produce themselves; they don’t read their own bills;
they delegate most of the rule-making to executive regulatory agencies;
etc. And third, this is an argument for abolishing compulsory jury
service and actually paying jurors market wages for their services.
This will attract a class of professional jurors who are familiar
with the laws, ethical theories, economics, who are specialized,
aware of their powers, and so on. For example, what of government
regulations and corporate law, which have apparently very little
to do with morality? Here, too, the jury, if it is sophisticated
enough, can judge the utility of these rules. If it feels that they
make no sense, away with them, and an accused company will stand
acquitted.
In
short, I think it is a great idea and one that will further liberty
to restore and even extend the jury’s power of nullification and
turn juries into mini-legislatures.
October
7, 2006
Dmitry
Chernikov [send him
mail] is a graduate student in philosophy at Kent State University.
See his website.
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© 2006 LewRockwell.com
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