The
Bogeyman of Libertarian 'Atomism'
by
Dmitry Chernikov
by Dmitry Chernikov
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One of the
most ridiculous charges leveled at libertarianism is that it allegedly
assumes that people are "atoms" – that they that are perfectly
autonomous, self-sufficient, and would prefer to leave society as
much as to remain in it. This charge can be pressed both against
the ideology of liberty and against methodological individualism
as a scientific technique. Here I want to focus on the former.
David Friedman
writes in his The
Machinery of Freedom that one can get what one wants from
another person through one of the following three ways: force, trade,
or love. The bond that is thereby formed will be hegemonic, contractual,
or that of charity. Or we can divide human relationships into personal/impersonal
(P/IP) and voluntary/involuntary (V/IV) and notice that we find
IP and IV in the relation between a subject and the modern state,
IP and V in all manner of business interactions among strangers,
and P and V within families and friendships. Or, if you’d like to
look at it from the point of view of the Christian religion, both
individuals and the world itself progress from slaves motivated
by fear to mercenaries motivated by gain to children of God whose
greatest motive is love of the highest good. With that I think the
pattern should be clear.
The thing about
libertarianism to remember is that it is supremely unconcerned with
love or charity as such. Insofar as the arguments that support it
are utilitarian, disinterested benevolence is assumed, because under
this moral doctrine one is supposed to maximize happiness over the
entire world or, at least, some portion of it and must therefore
care for the entire world. But our ideology has no commandments.
It does not say "Love thy neighbor." It does not say,
"Do works of mercy." The third way, that of love, is far
beyond its competence. What it does do, however, is elevate human
beings from the first way which is slavery to the second way which
is self-interest. Libertarianism therefore uplifts mankind, if not
into a mystical ecstasy, then at least into the dignity of a free
servant. No longer are there masters and slaves but only equal parties
who benefit from exchanges together. In the free market no one needs
to bow to anyone in order to receive his due. Libertarianism does
not say: Take these personal loving relationships and "commercialize"
them. It says: Let my people go. For example, it is the socialists
from Plato onward who have wanted to destroy the family. Libertarianism
would simply advocate giving women the same rights with respect
to disposing of property that men possess. A regime of liberty is
fully compatible with the institution of monogamous family; in fact,
it reinforces it.
Furthermore,
fostering charity directly is beyond the competence of any science
and any political ideology. Libertarianism is not alone in this
regard. Yet even here it influences things, because, as I have stressed
a number of times before, in a free society there is a long-term
harmony of interests. So it is much easier to love your fellow man
if his existence and actions bring a benefit to you rather than
serve as an obstacle to your goals. Given liberty, people are settled
into a system of social cooperation that permits all of them, through
mutual self-interested assistance, to satisfy their sometimes vastly
different desires at the same time. Further, without the division
of labor human beings would always have been enemies of one another,
fighting like savages for scarce resources. Yet it is the free market
in which division of labor fully manifests itself. As Mises writes,
"In a hypothetical world in which the division of labor would
not increase productivity, there would not be any society. There
would not be any sentiments of benevolence and good will."
Libertarianism
promotes what may be termed conservation of charity. It assigns
charity a role in life in which it can be most useful. It does not
require heroic sacrifices from people when the same effect can be
achieved via a mutually beneficial trade. It reduces the number
of times when one must appeal to higher ideals or exemplary or praiseworthy
behavior in order to get something done. As economist Dwight R.
Lee writes in his paper "Economics with Romance," "Economists
emphasize the advantage of economizing on virtue by the establishment
of incentives that motivate good conduct with a minimum amount of
noble human traits." He tells the following remarkable story:
In the early
1800s many prisoners were being shipped from England to Australia.
The British government contracted with ship captains to provide
the transportation, and paid them a specified amount per prisoner.
Unfortunately, the survival rate of prisoners was only about 50
percent. This death rate was almost entirely the result of overcrowding
and poor treatment, and it prompted many moralizing appeals in
favor of more humane treatment. But the moralizing appeals had
no effect. The survival rate remained about 50 percent. Finally
an economist, Edwin Chadwick (1862), struck an effective blow
for decent treatment of prisoners by accepting that ship captains
were economic men and recommending a change in incentives. Instead
of paying the captains for the number of prisoners who walked
onto ships in England, Chadwick recommended paying for the number
who walked off the ships in Australia. The change was made, and
the survival rate jumped immediately to 98.5 percent.
Now classical
liberalism (and its more modern and sophisticated version libertarianism),
Mises writes,
seeks to
give men only one thing, the peaceful, undisturbed development
of material well-being for all, in order thereby to shield them
from the external causes of pain and suffering as far as it lies
within the power of social institutions to do so at all.
Notice the
words "material" and "external." Is liberalism
therefore "materialistic"? Nonsense, says Mises, and his
defense is twofold. First, he argues that liberalism is no different
from any other political ideology in the sense that all of them
promise their adherents material prosperity. Their ends are
the same, but the means for the attainment of those ends
advocated by different people and parties are different. And liberalism
is the only ideology that actually succeeds in getting the
immense majority what they want, given that "people prefer
life to death, health to sickness, nourishment to starvation, abundance
to poverty."
Secondly:
The liberals do not disdain the intellectual and spiritual aspirations
of man. On the contrary. They are prompted by a passionate ardor
for intellectual and moral perfection, for wisdom and for aesthetic
excellence. But their view of these high and noble things is far
from the crude representations of their adversaries. They do not
share the naïve opinion that any system of social organization
can directly succeed in encouraging philosophical or scientific
thinking, in producing masterpieces of art and literature and
in rendering the masses more enlightened. They realize that all
that society can achieve in these fields is to provide an environment
which does not put insurmountable obstacles in the way of the
genius and makes the common man free enough from material concerns
to become interested in things other than mere breadwinning. In
their opinion the foremost social means of making man more human
is to fight poverty. Wisdom and science and the arts thrive better
in a world of affluence than among needy peoples.
He concludes:
He who disdains
the fall in infant mortality and the gradual disappearance of
famines and plagues may cast the first stone upon the materialism
of the economists.
My mother recently
had her house painted, and one of the contractors told her that
one of the motivations for his work was that he liked to make people
happy. Now there’s a purpose in life, a life of charity,
of deriving pleasure from constantly making things better. How can
mere economic realities help with that? Well, for one, liberty can
ensure (1) that there are houses to be painted, (2) that there are
available a wide variety of high-quality paints of every conceivable
color and the tools the painter needs for his work, (3) that painters
have to compete with each other and thereby not give in to the sin
of sloth, (4) that there is constant innovation (such that other
people can enjoy making the painters’ work easier, as in
the market all people cooperate for mutual advantage), and
finally (5) that people are sufficiently rich that keeping one’s
house beautiful is a desire that can be satisfied. (I mean, come
on, if you are so poor that you live in a hole in the ground, the
aesthetics of home environment cannot be your most pressing concern.)
Adam Smith
observes that "The progressive state is really the cheerful
and hearty state of all the different orders of society. The stationary
is dull; the declining melancholy." Constant improvement, not
just for oneself but for one’s neighbors, brings hope and encouragement.
That one’s children will be richer than the parents makes the latter
hopeful and optimistic. On the other hand, watching society dissolve
in a war or depression can cause serious despair. So progress made
possible only by capitalism lifts people’s spirits and is therefore
good.
It is not clear
that building a modest cathedral with small means is more meritorious
than building a grand cathedral with more ample means. It is written
that
Jesus sat
down opposite the place where the offerings were put and watched
the crowd putting their money into the temple treasury. Many rich
people threw in large amounts. But a poor widow came and put in
two very small copper coins, worth only a fraction of a penny.
Calling his
disciples to him, Jesus said, "I tell you the truth, this
poor widow has put more into the treasury than all the others.
They all gave out of their wealth; but she, out of her poverty,
put in everything – all she had to live on." (Mk 12:4144)
But be that
as it may, the stuff that people build today is, in fact, better
than what they built a thousand years ago. Today’s cathedrals and
symphonies and theorems are more beautiful and more numerous than
they were in the past. The people who make them may not necessarily
be more virtuous or accomplished than their ancestors, but still
I see no reason not to credit liberty and capitalism with making
the world itself objectively more beautiful, ordered, and perfect.
Lastly, consider
a book like Thomas Aquinas’s Summa
Theologica. When it was written, it was available only to
a few scholars. Today it is on the Internet in no less than two
places. You want happiness? Check it out and see what the great
doctor says you need in order to attain it. It is now only a few
clicks away. Despite Al Gore’s protestations to the contrary, it
is the market and economic freedom that have made the Web the wonder
of the world that it is today. Can we say therefore that the market
is a soul-saving device? And that, as a corollary, it fosters charity?
A final note.
Libertarianism can be described in the following four ways:
-
It is an
extension of private morality into the public realm, ultimately
collapsing the latter into the former. It says: If theft and
extortion is wicked, then so are taxes and inflation and coercive
welfare. (E.g., liberality may be a virtue and a moral duty
but it is not a legal obligation.) If murder is unjust, then
so is aggressive war. If slavery is wrong, then so is the draft.
-
Through
conferring upon individuals great liberty of action, it unleashes
their creativity. Libertarianism therefore is a progress-inducing
technology. It says: give people liberty and you will see them
achieve great things.
-
Libertarianism
fulfills all the standard precepts of utilitarianism. It says:
liberty is linked to prosperity and fast economic progress,
and lack of liberty is linked to poverty and stagnation.
-
Liberty
is an essential condition for the flourishing of each individual.
It is only under freedom that one can develop his talents and
actualize his potential. It says: without liberty no personal
growth is possible.
None
of these assume or entail atomistic individuals. On the contrary,
libertarianism is a vision of a prosperous and constantly improving
society of free people who interact with each other in their
private lives voluntarily and in numerous ways. This society
is bound together by contract and love, and in it established yet
unjust hegemony is reduced to a minimum or eliminated entirely.
October
6, 2006
Dmitry
Chernikov [send him
mail] is a graduate student in philosophy at Kent State University.
See his website.
Copyright
© 2006 LewRockwell.com
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