The
Mind of a Conservative
by
Dmitry Chernikov
by Dmitry Chernikov
Here is the
latest from Mr. Farah, the editor of worldnetdaily.com,
in which he claims that Mexico is not a friend to America. It will
be instructive to try to answer the next-to-last question in his
essay: What am I missing? It seems to me that what Farah is missing
is that he thinks in terms of nations rather than individuals or,
say, companies. There is no collective entity called "America"
that acts on its own volition. And America, because it is so diverse,
is not strictly speaking even a "nation"; the only thing
that unites it is language.
Even if we
take his references to nations in terms of the "general welfare"
or the common good of the people living in the US or North America
or in the entire world, Farah does not have any idea how these ends
are to be promoted. According to Farah, the federal government,
run by his kind of "conservatives" (or whatever he wants
to call himself), imposes order on the unwilling and morally depraved
populace. To him, society is not peaceful cooperation, in which
individuals are able to pursue their many and varied conceptions
of the good without harming one another and therefore without interference
from the authorities. It is, on the contrary, a battlefield in which
those who disagree with him, especially the hated "liberals,"
are utterly wicked and must be brutally repressed. Here is another
sample of his writings:
"The choice is simple: the world of standards and morality,
of marriage, order, the rule of law, and accountability to God or
the world of anything goes, aberrant behavior, do-your-own-thing
lifestyles, and moral codes that change with the speed of the latest
public opinion polls." Farah is deeply confused. What has any
of this to do with freedom with which he is supposedly concerned?
Isn’t freedom precisely the right to live "do-your-own-thing
lifestyles"? Or is our author advocating "do-what-Farah-says
lifestyles"?
This is not
to say that what is good is arbitrary and purely subjective. It
is subjective in the sense that each person is a "world
in himself" and decides himself and for himself what is good
and what to fight for. No one can make the decision for him, not
even God. Each individual alone is the one who feels happiness if
he succeeds and misery if he fails. It is inter-subjective,
in the sense that human beings discuss morality and their ideas
of the good with each other, influence and teach each other, love
each other and therefore will good to each other, rejoice at their
friends’ successes and suffer when they fail. In particular, it
is inter-subjective because the presence of other people around
us changes our ideas of the good. And it is objective or
real in the sense that, despite individual differences, what is
good is bounded by or grounded in human nature. There can be a fully
legitimate "science of happiness" whose teachings are
valid for all people.
Unfortunately,
Farah is not competent to teach this science.
Our author
is extremely uncharitable towards other nations in that he believes
that Americans are surrounded by enemies who are eager to destroy
them. In the age of global marketplace, such nationalism is uneasily
adhered to. That does not stop Farah from writing such things as
"Have you ever studied the votes of Mexico in the United Nations?
They more closely parallel those of Fidel Castro's Cuba than they
do the votes of the U.S." Those commie Mexican officials. Insolent
pigs, they refuse to do the bidding of the emperor (who is infallible
and perfectly good). Off with their heads. So, because of some bureaucratic
disagreements among the political classes of the two countries,
individual American citizens cannot befriend Mexicans or buy and
sell to them?
In the
previous piece he claims that "illegals are taking lots
of jobs Americans would love to do." Whatever the arguments
for limiting immigration at the level of the US as a whole, this
is not one of them. First, "jobs" are not at all scarce.
As long as any human need that labor can fill remains unsatisfied,
there will be uses for human labor and therefore "jobs,"
i.e., things that people can do that are of value to others and
for which those others will pay them money. Now in order to have
jobs there need to be capitalists and entrepreneurs, the former
to invest into capital goods that make labor more productive, the
latter to direct productive activities and the efforts of labor.
Hence, for one, we can facilitate job creation by such things as
repealing business regulations and abolishing capital gains taxes.
Further, the true issue here is not "jobs," but production
and consumption. Low-cost labor reduces costs of doing business
and, due to competition, results in lower prices and a greater variety
of goods and services. In the free market the consumer is king,
and it is around his welfare, not the worker's welfare,
that all economic activities are centered, although, of course,
every worker is also a consumer. The worker, just as much as a capitalist,
is a servant to the consumers. His remuneration is determined by
how well he adjusts his conduct to the needs of businesses who struggle
to satisfy their customers. None of this means, of course, that
unemployment is not a problem, nor that a person who loses his job
may not suffer greatly before he finds another one and that even
then his salary may be lower than what he was making previously.
But if we are to have a free market, then workers, like entrepreneurs,
too, must accept the possibility of failure. That’s just life. The
only recommendation for them is to keep on their toes, update their
skills, and respond nimbly to changes in the labor market. Finally,
nobody is worried when Ohioans move to California and take "Californian
jobs," or when the residents of Kent, Ohio move to Akron, Ohio
and take jobs that "belong" to the folks who have lived
in Akron for longer than a few months. There must be something magical
about the US-Mexican border, some kind of superstition floating
around that causes Americans to treat this imaginary line on the
map as important for policy decisions.
Another "conservative"
argument is that some immigrants refuse to "assimilate."
In other words, they refuse to become like everyone else. In a culture
that supposedly values diversity and in which the free market has
created millions of products to satisfy every wish and desire, the
insistence that they "melt" is a contradiction. Perhaps
the complaint is that the immigrants do not become "conservatives,"
hate foreigners, and worship George Bush but have their own ideas
of the most suitable form of political organization and of whom
they want to put in charge of local public affairs. Look, it’s up
to the immigrants to decide whether they want to listen to
Rush Limbaugh. Otherwise, we should leave them alone to live as
they please.
If Farah were
truly interested in liberty, he would understand that immigration
rules in a free society would be made and enforced ideally not by
any government but by individual property owners. You have no right
to "immigrate" to my apartment. You cannot sleep in a
mall or a private park. You cannot enter many office buildings if
you don’t work there or are not invited. It is against the law to
sneak into a movie theater without buying a ticket. Under freedom
we should expect for there to exist a vast patchwork of private
properties and associations of property owners that will grant different
levels of access to their holdings to different people. In particular,
people will be allowed to discriminate with respect to who they
will allow onto their properties. Great kingdoms like the US would
not be responsible for any immigration decisions. The benefits of
such an arrangement is that when the state makes a decision regarding
whether a certain person is allowed to immigrate, some citizens
agree and other disagree; that is, some are helped while others
are harmed. If the decision is to let the person immigrate, then
some will suffer from forced integration (because they don’t want
him on public properties); if the state refuses permission, then
some will endure forced exclusion (because they do want him). If,
however, the decision devolves to individuals, and government-owned
properties are non-existent, then those who do not want that person
can keep him out and those who prefer to let him in can do so as
well for any reason at all. Everybody is happy and everybody’s rights
are respected as a result.
Furthermore,
the state, especially a democratic state, does not have the proper
incentives to discriminate well, whereas property owners
are fully responsible for their own choices. What would a bureaucrat
lose from admitting a criminal or a future welfare recipient? What
would he gain by turning away a genius? Nothing at all; on the contrary,
more undesirable individuals would mean higher budgets for the police,
the prison industry, and the officials in charge of the welfare
state; and, conversely, a genius might end up stirring trouble for
the regime.
My advice to
Mr. Farah: let your "rage" dissipate and prove your commitment
to liberty by opposing the state, all its works, and all its empty
promises.
July
1, 2006
Dmitry
Chernikov [send him
mail] is a graduate student in philosophy at Kent State University.
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